Paradigm function morphology

This paper presents a review of a number of recent issues in the field of generative morphology, with their implications for the description of English. After an introduction to the field two types of question are considered. First, 1 examine the nature of word structure and illustrate two competing approaches, one of which assurnes that words have a constituent structure (much like the phrase structure of syntax) and the other of which rejects this assumption. Then we look at the way morphologicai structure interacts with syntax. We examine the extent to which syntactic principles can account for the behaviour of certain types of compounds and aiso the expression of syntactic arguments in nominaiizations.

Revue québécoise de linguistique, 2002

The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Interfaces, 2007

According to the traditional view, the relation between morphology and syntax is the following: while morphology builds up word forms-typically by combining roots with other roots and with affixes, but also by applying other operations to them, syntax takes fully inflected words as input and combines them into phrases and sentences. The division of labour between morphology and syntax is thus perfect: morphology only operates below the word level whereas syntax only operates above the word level.

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics: Morphology, 2019

This paper is concerned with changes on the level of morphology in grammaticalization and degrammaticalization. Using data from a wide variety of languages, grammaticalization is shown to have various effects, ranging from the loss of inflection in primary grammaticalization to the development of bound morphemes or new inflectional classes in secondary grammaticalization. By contrast, in degrammaticalization new inflections may be acquired and erstwhile bound morphemes may become free morphemes. The morphological changes attested in grammaticalization and degrammaticalization are further contrasted to related processes that involve morphological change, such as category shifts, lexicalization, and exaptation. To appear on: https://oxfordre.com/linguistics/

Acta Linguistica Hafniensia , 2017

Akan verb-verb nominal compounds exhibit unusual formal and semantic properties, including extreme formal exocentricity, where the composition of two verbs yields a noun some of whose semantic properties may not be directly coded in the constituents, and argument structure suppression, where no argument of either constituent can occur in the compound. The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First, I delineate the membership of the class, showing that some of the constructions listed in the literature as verb-verb compounds do not belong to the class; they have formal features that betray them as affix-derived nominals. Secondly, I discuss the rather idiosyncratic properties of the compound. I argue that the form class is inherited from a metaschema for compounding in Akan which bears a nominal output category. Again, it is a unique constructional property of Akan verb-verb compounds that, unlike other verb-involved compounds, they do not allow any argument of the constituents to become part of the compound. These extra-compositional holistic properties can be accounted for straightforwardly in a framework like Construction Morphology which does not assume that every property in a construction must emanate from its constituents. This study provides evidence for the view that constructions can have holistic properties.

Journal of Linguistics, 1986

Projecting Morphology (edited by L Sadler and A Spencer), 2004

Studies in Chinese Linguistics

Phenomena traditionally thought of as morphological can be accounted for in terms of syntactic operations and principles, hence bringing forth questions that traditional morphology fails to ask (for instance, concerning the licensing of empty morphemes). The language faculty contains no specific morphological component, nor any post-syntactic morphological operations.

Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft, 1995

In this paper we advocate a minimal characterization of inflectional morphology as a combinatorial system of underspecified stems and affixes which is controlled by a hierarchy of categories, by general principles of affixation, and by principles that regulate paradigm structures. We first contrast our views on inflection with other proposals found in the literature, and then describe our machinery, illustrating it with facts from the inflectional morphology of the German verb. While subregularities are represented by structured lexical entries which take the form of non-mono tonic inheritance trees, regular affixation is assumed to be a monotonie operation. Finally the structure of paradigms is illustrated in some detail with an analysis of the subject agreement morphology of the verb in Classical Arabic. 1. The structure of the inflectional component The proper place of inflectional morphology within the main components of grammar is still a matter of debate. Inflectional categories such as morphological case or person-number agreement on verbs constitute relations between syntactic constituents and therefore must be present in the syntax. At the same time, however, they are mostly realized through affixes which are interleaved with phonological rules and therefore must be visible in the phonology. So the question arises of whether inflection belongs to syntax proper or to phonology, or whether it constitutes a component of its own. The answers which have been given in the recent literature on the subject diverge to a great extent. Anderson (1992) denies the existence of word structure since, in his view, inflectional categories belong to syntax and are spelled out by phonological rules. Moreover, Anderson claims that affixes do not have morpheme status but are merely the * This paper grew out of our research on agreement morphology in the lexicon project SFB 282 'Theorie des Lexikons', which is supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. Preliminary results have been presented in Wunderlich (1992) and Fabri (1993) as well as in talks in Berlin,