Of Bahubali in Indian Politics_Bagchi_BR.pdf

South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 2011

This article discusses the cooperation between small-time criminals (or goondas) and politicians in a locality in Ahmedabad, Gujarat (India). Based on an ethnographic study of local political networks, this article argues that the regular co-operation between politicians and goondas is a product of the inaccessibility of the Indian state to its poorer citizens. The 'criminalisation of politics' is not a sign of moral decay, but a product of the difficulties of (poorer) citizens in dealing with state institutions and the specific nature of the local political competition that these difficulties engender. As local politicians need to develop their capacity to 'get things done' for voters, they need both the 'moneypower' and 'musclepower' of goondas to settle local issues, enforce their authority and manipulate voting.

Innovative Research Thoughts International, 2018

The practise of criminalising political activity in India is a severe problem that has dogged the democratic system of the nation for many years. In this context, infiltration refers to the process through which criminals and persons with a track record of criminal activity enter the political arena, therefore creating a connection between politics and criminal activity. This has resulted in a flawed electoral process, in which politicians with criminal histories routinely win elections and hold public office. This has led to a compromised electoral process. The pervasiveness of corrupt practises, favouritism within the political system, and an absence of openness are the fundamental reasons why this issue exists. The necessity for cash during elections is a major factor that contributes to the close relationship that exists between politicians and criminals. Political parties often accept contributions from persons with questionable histories. It has far-reaching ramifications, including the deterioration of public faith in the political system and the undermining of democracy, which are both caused by the criminalization of politics. In addition to this, it has a direct effect on law and order since criminals in positions of power may use such positions to protect themselves from legal prosecution and commit crimes without fear of repercussions. In order to combat the criminalization of politics, a number of different measures have been proposed. These measures include the imposition of stricter criteria for candidates who are contesting elections, the expeditious disposal of criminal cases brought against politicians, and the disclosure of criminal records of candidates by political parties. However, as a result of political meddling and a general lack of political will, the implementation of these policies has been sluggish and often inefficient. In order to effectively solve the problem of the criminalization of politics in India, there must be a coordinated effort on the part of all of the relevant stakeholders, including political parties, civil society groups, and the judicial system. The only way for the nation to have any chance of reestablishing the purity of its democratic process and ensuring that those in power are responsible to the people whom they serve is if everyone works together.

2015

This study examines the extent and the correlates of the increased entry of persons with alleged or proven criminal backgrounds into Indian electoral and representative politics, as “tainted” candidates and elected national legislators. It confirms the previously perceived trend of an increase in the number and share of tainted national-level politicians active in the country from 2004 onward. A state-level analysis of information about candidates, legislators, as well as the regional social and political contexts shows that larger shares of tainted national MPs elected from particular federal states are in part a function of larger shares of tainted candidates running in the respective states’ electoral districts, and of the average level of competitiveness of the electoral contests in those states. These are themselves strongly correlated with the shares of state-level legislators (MLAs) with criminal backgrounds. Non-national political parties and smaller national parties are mor...

Winston Churchill felt that the Indian polity was not ripe enough for independence but Mahatma Gandhi pressed for swarajya nevertheless. Some fifty-five years after Atlee freed India off the British colonial yoke, what is the bottom line of the world's largest democracy? Barring the brief aberration that was the internal emergency imposed on it by Indira Gandhi, India, has been cruising on the path of democracy. That is about the physicality of going through electoral motions but what about the cerebral quality of the Indian democratic output? The cheerleaders of the Indian democracy cite the shining examples of its electoral maturity in avenging Indira for her emergency and dumping the Janata Party for its insipid rule. Oh, how the wonderful Indian voters routinely dump the haughty in the dustbins of anti-incumbency and where else on earth does democracy shine ever so bright, and such, tend to shape the grand narrative. Was Winston wrong then? No for doubts arose soon as the electorate tended to vote on caste lines and communal contours only to be cemented as voters, in the wake of Indira Gandhi's assassination, swayed by emotion, swamped its 8 th Lok Sabha with Congressmen. But the clinching evidence that Churchill was doubly right came a little later.

Contemporary South Asia, 2013

American Ethnologist, 2011

Economic and Political Weekly, 2017

Trinamool Congress’s decisive second term in West Bengal in 2016, even after serious corruption charges were levied on the party, makes it clear that corruption is not as important as was thought by the opposition. It is argued that corruption is conceived as a “necessary evil,” linked with quick and tangible delivery of public services. The recent rise of Bharatiya Janata Party, parallel to religious polarisation in the state, indicates a shrinking political space for non-BJP opposition in West Bengal.

This article explores the performances of a particular category of young men often derogatively referred to as "chamchas" (sycophants) who are using the art of making do (jugaad) by exploiting and bluffing links with powerful political networks and political parties, as well as friendships with strongmen and their criminal crews. Crucially, the comparative ethnography across India (western Uttar Pradesh) and Bangladesh (Sylhet) introduces readers to the "contact zone" where legality, semi-legality, and organized criminal systems meet. In so doing, the article unravels the working of the democratically elected "Mafia Raj."

Introduction to Politics in India, 2014

India ranks fairly low on Corruption Perception Index. There has been a debate for the past two decades about criminalisation of Indian politics. This essay attempts to analyse both and look at link between the two.