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2001, Studia Linguistica
Kayne develop a unique analysis for the relative clau e con truction ba d on the Linear Correspondence Axiom (L C ). ccording to Kayne 1994 outside the relative P relative clau e do not have a nominal head. For him the determiner directly selects the relative CP. Borsely (1997) and Platzack (1997/2 argue that thi kind of analy i ha many drawback . However. their arguments come from -initial relative clause con truction . Thi paper examine ho Kayne' approach handles -final relative clau con truction . V e will immediate! note that Kayne (1994) propo e the empirically erroneou genera1i ation that -final relative clau e lack an o ert complementizer. Contrary to Kayne. language uch a Amharic clearl have a complementizer.
2021
In this paper, I argue that agreement and case are assigned in different ways across various causee and other internal arguments. I show that agreement is a relativized system where the presence of one argument DP x higher than the other DP y inhibits the relation of the latter with the verb. Case, on the other hand, is argued to be insensitive to the presence of intervening argument DPs. Case is a fixed relationship between the case assigning head and the DP in its specifier. I explain this distinction by assuming different orders of syntactic operations. Case is assigned early in the syntactic derivation-probably just after Merge. But, Agree relations are established pretty late in the derivation. As such, other syntactic derivations such as Movement (topicalization) affect the nature of Agree relations between two syntactic objects.
Article, 2019
This article describes the structure of relative clauses in the Amharic and Ezha Languages thereby making typological comparison between the two languages. Both headed and headless relative clauses are attested in both languages. A headed relative clause in both languages is found to be prenominal as the clause precedes the head noun that is to be modified. With reference to both headed and headless relative clause types, constituents which relate to a subject, direct and indirect object, oblique, and possessor noun are found to be relativized in the target languages. By so doing, Amharic employs the relativizer jә-in perfective conjugations, while it makes (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0) which permits unrestricted non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. 30 Typological Comparison of Relativization in Amharic and Ezha use of ɨmm-to relativize imperfective verbs. On the other hand, Ezha uses jә-in the relativization of perfective structures, whereas it employs no overt morpheme to relativize imperfective verbs, hence, zero marking. Unlike Amharic, Ezha employs no overt relativizer on negative relative verbs. The relativized constituents of headless relative clauses in both languages are traceable as they can be recovered by considering the agreement suffixes attached to the respective relative verbs.
2012
Infinitives in Amharic are nominal in category and are two types: bare and clausal where the latter show internal sentential structure but not the former. Unlike the English gerund and event nominal constructions the Amharic infinitival clauses have more in common with their counterpart tensed clauses. Double object constructions, A-and A'-extractions are possible in infinitival clauses. Infinitives however lack tense and aspectual features and take the constituent negative marker rather than the clausal negative marker although the negative marker has scope over the whole infinitival clause. I have argued that Amharic infinitival clauses are nominalized vPs, i.e. nP = TP where the nominalizer (Nz) head takes vP as its complement as in [nP[vP]]. Based on the morphological facts and syntactic evidence of the language, I have further argued that nP is distinct from DP. Spec, D is where the genitive Case of the subject licensed. I have suggested that Case projects on its own as KP and selects DP. Spec, K has the same operator property like Spec, C and KP in general can be seen parallel to CP. It is due to this fact that whextraction, topicalization and focus are possible in Amharic infinitival clauses.
2020
The vast majority of abbreviations follow the Leipzig Glossing Rules, which have been developed by Martin Haspelmath and Bernard Comrie from the Department of Linguistics of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and by Balthasar Bickel from the Department of Linguistics of the University od Leipzig.
Proceedings of the First Central European …, 2012
The main idea suggested in this paper is that subordinate clauses need to be Case licensed (namely embedded under KPs) and that various patterns of "fusion" within a layered functional skeleton obliterate that process. I will provide two types of empirical support for this proposal. First, I will show that this proposal correctly allows for nominal elements to stand in for a whole embedded clause (using the mechanism of Phrasal Spell-Out, Starke 2009; Neeleman & Szendroi 2007). Second, I will show that a wide range of typologically unrelated languages overtly exhibit Case marking on complementizers. Also, direct evidence against the identity of relative pronouns and complementizers / subordinators, possibly suggested -prima facie- by the layered model proposed here, will be provided here with the aid of data from Akkadian, Germanic languages and West Iranian languages.
This paper will concentrate in some detail on conditionals in documentary Late Egyptian (principally c. late-thirteenth-eleventh century BC), focusing on the relationship between their typology and their meaning.
The purpose of this paper is to show that the notion of what is not a Phase is equally important as the notion of what constitutes a Phase. Since the notion of a Phase is one particular (albeit an emphatic) instance of the notion of constituency, a non-Phase or an incomplete Phase is predicted to be a nonconstituent. This paper looks at a curious geometrical puzzle involving clauses with internal Comps in Bangla (=Bengali) and show that such clauses are incomplete phases. In particular, it is shown that the C and its complement are not merged in sequence, nor can they be spelled out as a Phase during the course of the derivation. The claim that the C and its complement do not form a constituent challenges the familiar notion of constituency by showing that an internal C has a non-linear relation to what has been traditionally considered to be its complement. This challenge is inspired by Kayne's ( ,b, 1999 demonstration that P-Comps do not form constituents with their complements. Although Kayne's algorithm accounts for a set of unresolved problems involving P-Comps in Romance, it has not yet been tested for Cs in general. This algorithm, if followed verbatim, is shown to derive the unmarked order of constituents but fails to derive the puzzling C -internal order in Bangla. Another goal of this paper therefore is to present a revised Kaynean algorithm, which, by way of solving the puzzle, is shown to provide crucial evidence for derivation by Phase , Chomsky 1999. This is a particularly welcome result as it brings two different research strands together.
The present paper deals with the origin of the ezafe construction in Persian. It demonstrates how in Old Persian a relative pronoun (hya-) 'who/ which' in sentences with omitted copula was interpreted as a "connector"/ "linker" (ezafe marker) coming between a noun and another noun or adjective. As a result of this reanalysis a relative clause was recast into a noun phrase. I will argue that the loss of agreement and case marking (which were present in Old Persian) has affected the syntax of the noun phrase in Middle Persian and New Persian. The emergence of the ezafe construction to mark the genitive and attributive constructions (which were formerly implemented by the genitive case and agreement) compensates for this loss.
This paper presents an analysis of headed and free (headless) restrictive relative clauses in Catalan in the framework of the Extended Standard Theory. Rules of grammar are considered an aggregate of independent dimensions that belong either to core grammar or to peripheral grammar. The peripheral dimensions restrict the core aspect, but do not conflict with it.
Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, 2014
The present study is concerned with the complex ways in which alternating relative complementisers in Coptic are employed as a morphological flagging device for unbounded dependencies in various types of relative clause constructions and wh questions. We shall argue in particular that the alternation in shape is locally conditioned by properties of the complement (TAME) and the antecedent noun (definiteness), which can be modelled via selectional features such as COMPS and MOD, plus the prosodic status of right-adjacent material (phrase vs. clitic). We shall show that all applicable conditions carry over from relatives to wh in-situ, suggesting to model the polyfunctionality of these complementisers in terms a systematic alternation between resumptive SLASH and in-situ QUE dependencies, modelled in terms of a lexical rule. Furthermore, we shall discuss the status of unbounded dependencies and argue that the pervasiveness of resumption with relatives and ex-situ wh arguments can be a...
Linguistic Inquiry, 2005
Of the 24 mathematically possible orders of the four elements demonstrative, numeral, adjective, and noun, only 14 appear to be attested in the languages of the world. Some of these are unexpected under Greenberg's Universal 20. Here it is proposed that the actually attested orders, and none of the unattested ones, are derivable from a single, universal, order of Merge (Dem > Num > Adj > N) and from independent conditions on phrasal movement.
Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 1995
In Rob Pensalfini, Diana Guilleman & Myfany Turpin (eds.), Language Description Informed by Theory. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. pp. 283–315.
Generativists have argued that nominals in non-con gurational languages such as Warlpiri do not have the status of arguments. is paper provides new evidence for this claim from an unlikely source: code-switching between Kriol, an English-based creole, and Gurindji, a Ngumpin-Yapa language closely related to Warlpiri. In Gurindji-Kriol code-switching, case-marked nominals are non-obligatory and, where they do occur, they are cross-referenced with a pronoun. is pattern is found even where Kriol sets the morpho-syntactic frame and provides the pronouns. e structure re ects that of monolingual Gurindji where bound pronouns are obligatory and nominals are optional. Given the resistance of in ectional morphology to switching, it is unexpected to nd Gurindji case-marked nominals present in an otherwise Kriol morpho-syntactic frame. Nonetheless, structural material can enter into a code-switched clause via structural islands which do not participate in the predicate argument structure of the code-switched clause. is paper argues that case-marked nominals are structural islands and this adjunct-like structure must have been available in the source language, Gurindji, thereby providing further evidence for the non-argument status of Gurindji nominals.
Arab World English Journal (AWEJ) , 2021
This paper aims to give an account of the multiple determination (determiner spreading) phenomenon in Arabic. Determiner spreading is the syntactic representation and phonological realization of multiple determiners within the same determiner phrase. As a cross-linguistic phenomenon, determiner spreading has been investigated in other languages (e.g., Scandinavian and Greek); different accounts have been proposed. For Scandinavian languages, determiner spreading has been analyzed as a representation of different semantic interpretations. As far as Greek is concerned, some analyses have been proposed; however, two prominent ones have received considerable attention in the literature: (i) a residue of a reduced relative clause and (ii) an instantiation of close appositions. Contrary to those analyses, this paper claims that none of the two analyses is suitable for Arabic; thus, a language-specific analysis is required. To analyze determiner spreading in Arabic, the current paper posits the following research question: What is the linguistic purpose of the multiple determiners found in Arabic determiner phrases? Answering the research question, the paper claims that, in addition to its indispensable role in establishing agreement between nouns and adjectives within the Arabic determiner phrase, determiner spreading demarcates syntactic and semantic phrase boundaries. The paper takes Minimalist Program and Distributed Morphology as a theoretical framework to argue that attributive adjectives are projection of an agreement phrase headed by the definite article ʔal or by the indefinite phonological marker `nunation:-n'. This proposal requires no syntactic movements in the syntax proper. The ultimate linear order is achieved in the phonological components.
Case markers are usually associated with nouns or noun phrases but, as shown in cross-linguistic study on "versatile cases", case markers are also used as clause-linkers in a wide range of genetically diverse languages. However, African languages are not found in Aikhenvald's sample. Our paper shows that in some subgroups of Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic case markers are, in fact, attested on subordinate clauses.
The purpose of the present study is to identify the traces of the common system of the spatial and temporal relations, expressed in some of branches by the cases and by adpositions in the others. The Chadic family was omitted. It needs a series of special studies for which no space is in the informative survey of this type. In the Afroasiatic macrofamily, the grammar of the Semitic branch is best preserved thanks to early records. The following reconstructions and data are based mainly on Dolgopolsky (
2022
This study aims to investigate the formation of clauses in Pahari within Chomsky's (1995, 2000, 2001, 2005) Minimalist Derivational Theory. This work is based on the natural data consisting of five conversations that were collected from Pahari speakers living in the district Sudhnoti Azad Kashmir, Pakistan. The study identified seven morphologically distinct case morphemes in Pahari. Except for the NP in the nominative case, the NPs in other cases in this language are morphologically marked. This study reveals that the case marking on NPs plays a vital role in the derivation of clauses in Pahari. Pahari shows different types of case combinations in its clauses. So depending upon the case marking on NPs, Pahari clauses can be divided into six different types like nominative-nominative clauses, nominative-accusative clauses, nominative-dative clauses, ergative-nominative clauses, ergative-accusative clauses, and ergative-dative clauses. This work also brings to light that Pahari clauses are derived through different movement operations. Subject in a Pahari clause originates in spec. VP, from where it moves to Spec T position to check the Nominative case. The object always moves out of its position VP, gets attached with T to check the EPP features on T. This study also reveals that the nominative case is assigned by T while the ergative case is assigned by the Asp. The little v assigns two cases in Pahari; it assigns the dative case to the subject and accusative case to the object.
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