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I want to thank our panelists for their thought-provoking papers on Peirce's notion of abduction, and I also want to thank them for inviting me to join as a discussant, so that we can think together along the various lines they have laid out. The reflections I wish to offer here, though inspired by all of the papers, are not specific to any one of them. What I have to say will nevertheless touch upon each one of them, although in a somewhat oblique way. But what I have become interested in, and would like to think about more, are some of the things abduction as a style of reasoning presupposes, especially in relation to the understanding of truth it entails, the notions of experience and time on which it depends, and the various virtues it valorizes – including the openness to surprise, the skill of being led by distraction, and the capacity for inventiveness. What I am especially interested in is the allure of abduction, not just in how we might get abducted by abduction, but also in how abduction might abduct itself and the conditions of its own efficacy, and particularly in the face of recent experience. Now at this point, even if it seems like a digression, I think there is something that needs to be said in light of recent events, which have come as a shock to nearly every person with a claim to social theoretical expertise. In the midst of the current confusion, we should seriously ask ourselves if we can trust our capacities to adjudicate between, or even come up with, social-political theoretical explanations at all. I speak not only of these elections. We might place their outcome within a continuum of recent events that have stunned and stymied all of us – including Brexit, the rise of Occupy and Tea-Party like movements across the globe, the election of an African-American president in a nation still deeply mired in racism and segregation, the financial crash of 2008 – whose magnitude we still haven't fully apprehended, and not least, the wave of uprisings that swept Egypt and much of the Arab world. That all of these took us by utter surprise, left (and continue to leave) us in great confusion, should lead us to doubt our capacities to understand the social world in which we live, much less adjudicate the various proposals made to apprehend these recent events. We might have to reassess the state of contemporary social theory, and question whether we have the analytic language we need to account for present times. Indeed, our social theory expertise seems futile with respect to the recent elections, the various renderings of which don't really add up. In the face of this, I have found the words of the following political commentator, whose work also conveys a skepticism of social-theory expertise, especially incisive:
The British Journal of Sociology, 2014
The paper aims to facilitate more adequate critical engagement with current affairs events by journalists, and with current affairs texts by audiences. It draws on social theory to provide the intellectual resources to enable this. The academic ambition is for the framework to be adopted and developed by social thinkers in producing exemplary critical readings of news and current affairs texts. To this end it is offered as a research paradigm. The paper situates its argument in relation to the wider literature in media and cultural studies, acknowledging the subtle skills required to appreciate the relative autonomy of texts. However, it draws attention to the lack of an adequate perspective with which to assess the frames, representations, and judgments within news and current affairs texts. To address this lacuna it proposes the conception of a social-theoretical frame, based on a number of meta-theoretical approaches, designed to provide audiences with a systematic means of addressing the status and adequacy of individual texts. Social theoretical frames can reveal the shortcomings of media framing of the contextual fields within which news and current affairs events take place. Two illustrative case studies are used to indicate the value and potential of the approach: the analysis of a short newspaper report of the return of protesters to Cairo's Tahrir Square in 2011, and a critique of four current affairs reports from various genres on the political turmoil in Thailand leading up to the clashes of May 2010.
This essay reviews works in (political) sociology that offer alternatives to sociology-as-usual. Sociologists with even fleeting awareness of the recent history of political sociology are surely familiar with the cultural turn, the global turn, and the turn toward complexity; however, another turn seems to be afoot, one toward existential concerns that direct us to recover how people experience 'the complex contradictions of the social and political world' (Taylor, The New Political Sociology, p. 197). Complex experiences often leave behind residues or 'traces,' and contributors in a recently edited volume challenge sociologists to unlock the social significance of these traces and find new ways to capture what our methods capture so poorly, namely, popular forgettings, geographies of exclusion, and the slow erasure of deeds, memories, and other subjugated knowledges belonging to individuals who find themselves dismissed, dispelled, or disenfranchised by nation-states. Traces left behind by individuals navigating the complexities of contemporary experiments in human 'being' are just the sort of analysis that must, in principle, place the actor at the center of analysis, and, after careful study, we now appreciate that despite the analytical ease of assuming that actors are singular, sociologists should examine actors as plural and unearth their essential multiplicity.
Domination and Emancipation. Remaking Critique, 2021
Domination without Emancipation: Time for Post-Critical Politics? A radical critique of domination will lead to emancipation: during the past centuries, such a hope has fueled decades of (often successful) political struggles, and thus deserves much respect and gratitude. Should it continue to structure our current conception of political activism? That is much less clear. Many voices and many arguments seem to undermine our faith in this typically "modern" take on politics. The Leftist critique of domination marching towards ever more freedom and equality seems to have lost a great deal of its traction over the past four decades. At best, it has slowed down, to the point of almost complete stasis. At worst, it has totally derailed. Should the traditional heralds and heroes of emancipation see in this pause an opportunity to gather their forces, before resuming their triumphant march forwards towards social Progress? Or should they suspect their very banner to have become somewhat obsolete? While acknowledging the proven merits of the critique of domination towards emancipation, this article suggests supplementing-not necessarily replacing-this traditional triangle with a politics of tensions more closely articulated with our contemporary economy of attention. It will be left to the reader to decide whether this politics of tensions is just another form of politics, able to help us renew our intellectual and practical toolkit to intervene more effectively in the current and future evolutions of our ever changing societies, or whether what is proposed here is the very negation (and denial) of what politics is, and should be, all about. I, for one, humbly confess to see equally good reasons to defend both of these apparently incompatible opinions. But before sketching this proposal of supplementation, let us briefly survey some of the good reasons that can make us weary of the current valences of each of the three corners of the modernist triangle. Domination clearly is the least objectionable of the three. The domination of capital over workers has rarely been so absolute and shameless. The domination of colonizing nations and populations over the rest of the world has certainly altered its modalities over the last hundred years, but it maintains a world order in which people of European descent keep exploiting the labor, resources and cultures of the Global South, with important (but not yet game-changing) challenges coming from the far East. Within the Global North, while the status of women, racial and gender minorities has nominally improved over the last 50 years, social and economic domination proves dramatically persistent under the thin shellac of legal equality. Furthering the struggles against domination launched at the end of the 18 th century with the Haitian Revolution and the Declaration of the Rights of Women clearly remains on the order of the day.
Political Theory is the study of the ideas, concepts, and arguments that historical political figures have used to make sense of and influence their social, political, and cultural worlds. Studying these ideas, concepts, and arguments (many of which might sound quite foreign to our ears) allows us to, as Hannah Arendt puts it, " think what we are doing " politically – that is, to shed light on and suggest solutions to some of the biggest political problems facing the world today. In this course, students will gain a familiarity and fluency with the main traditions, themes, and debates that shape how we think about and participate in politics. Students will be challenged to reconsider their political preconceptions and commitments in light of reading, discussing, and writing about authors from diverse historical backgrounds and ideological perspectives. In this way, students will themselves participate in the tradition of Political Theory. This writing-intensive course proceeds in roughly chronological order and is organized around six “contested concepts” that have inspired political theorists in the past and that continue to motivate political debate today. In Unit 1, “Justice and the Ancient Tradition,” we read works by Thucydides, Plato, and Machiavelli to consider the meaning and value of a “just” political order. Unit 2, “Authority and the Modern Tradition,” explores the foundations of legitimate political authority by reading the classic social contract theorists (Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau) alongside contemporary critics of this tradition (Carole Pateman and Charles Mills). Unit 3, “Freedom and the Liberal Tradition,” examines J.S. Mill’s liberal conception of freedom in light of critiques offered by Karl Marx and W.E.B. Du Bois. Unit 4, “Power and the Postmodern Tradition,” explores how power operates to create modern political subjectivities by turning to the work of Friedrich Nietzsche, Michel Foucault, and Judith Butler. Unit 5, “Violence and the Radical Tradition,” stages a debate between Mahatma Gandhi, Hannah Arendt, and Frantz Fanon about the value and efficacy of violence in radical political movements. Unit 6, “Trumpism and the Conservative Tradition,” turns to Edmund Burke and Corey Robin to consider whether the presidency of Donald Trump represents a continuation of or break with modern conservatism.
This course is designed to acquaint students with fundamental social and political theories of the Western world from 1800 to the present. The course will analyze and discuss key political theorists such as Kant, Hegel, Marx, and Rawls, as well as contemporary political theories such as neoliberalism, realism, and dissenting critiques. Students are encouraged to reflect both critically and practically upon the readings in class and in a series of writing assignments. An imperative for the course will be to not only understand, but find the contemporary relevance of, various and competing political and social theories.
This course addresses the relationship between events and political ideas. We will move from classical to contemporary approaches to political thought in order to experiment with fundamental questions about community and belonging, defiance and the dynamics of political voice. For example, what does justice look and sound like? How do political thinkers imagine power? What is democracy? What is political about culture? Where do Western and non-Western political ideas connect and disconnect? What is “progress”? We will address these questions through an assortment of political texts with the aim of building a toolbox that emphasizes justice, freedom, equality, popular sovereignty, and autonomy. As this is a survey of political thought, generally speaking, we'll try to cover a lot of ground. We'll begin with the classical imagination of defiance and justice, both of which anchor speech as political, and work toward the rise of the state, political economy, and protest.
An important issue is the use of the adjective "political" to restrict the scope of horrific acts considered as "horrors", i.e., avoiding horrors committed by those not in the state power structure; as well as selective emphasis on horrors attributed to Western nations.
International Social Science Journal, 2010
omega.www.umb.edu
This essay reviews works in (political) sociology that offer alternatives to sociology-as-usual. Sociologists with even fleeting awareness of the recent history of political sociology are surely familiar with the cultural turn, the global turn, and the turn toward complexity; however, another turn seems to be afoot, one toward existential concerns that direct us to recover how people experience 'the complex contradictions of the social and political world' (Taylor, The New Political Sociology, p. 197). Complex experiences often leave behind residues or 'traces,' and contributors in a recently edited volume challenge sociologists to unlock the social significance of these traces and find new ways to capture what our methods capture so poorly, namely, popular forgettings, geographies of exclusion, and the slow erasure of deeds, memories, and other subjugated knowledges belonging to individuals who find themselves dismissed, dispelled, or disenfranchised by nation-states. Traces left behind by individuals navigating the complexities of contemporary experiments in human 'being' are just the sort of analysis that must, in principle, place the actor at the center of analysis, and, after careful study, we now appreciate that despite the analytical ease of assuming that actors are singular, sociologists should examine actors as plural and unearth their essential multiplicity.
Kultur ve Siyasette Feminist Yaklasimlar, 2013
Judith Butler is one of the world’s leading theorists whose works such as Gender Trouble and Bodies That Matter have shaken our conceptions of gender, sexuality, subjectivity, and agency. Her theories on the social constructedness of biological sex and the performative nature of gender not only challenged the hegemonic conceptions of gender, but also required a radical reconsideration of the feminist theory and politics. In her recent works, like Precarious Life, she questioned post-9/11 politics focusing on the questions of vulnerability, precarity, and grief. Her work has exposed how the conditions of war depend on the separation of human from non-human, and grievable lives from ungrieavable ones. We had the chance to meet her for an hour in Istanbul, where she came mainly for the workshop titled “Rethinking Vulnerability and Resistance: Feminism & Social Change” and gave a public seminar on “Freedom of Assembly or Who Are the People?” at Boğazici University in September 2013. During that one hour, we talked about her thoughts on the issue of vulnerability, specifically in relation to feminist politics and worldwide occupy movements. In our conversation, we discussed the implications of global experiences of public assemblies, as exemplified by Gezi Park and the Occupy movements, for the conceptions of sovereignty, political agency, and legitimacy. According to Butler, these new forms of politics not only create an “epistemic” shift and bring forth a new sense of political hope for all, but also set the ground for revisiting the notion of “the people” as a way of rethinking the unevenly distributed, and mobilized forms of, vulnerabilities. In this interview, Butler makes important and very timely comments on the ways in which novel forms of politics are manifested through spontaneous assemblies and how all these developments challenge our “accepted pessimisms” that are created under strong state sovereignty through electoral politics and police violence.
Journal of Sociology, 1996
Almost a quarter of a century has passed since the groundbreaking Hegemony and socialist strategy (1985) has seen the light of day, a work in which Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe for the first time had elaborated their distinguished post-Marxist approach in the analysis of political and theoretical practices, combining non-essentialist aspects of Marxist tradition with post-structuralist canon of Derrida, Foucault and Lacan. Since then, post-structuralist discourse theory (PDT) has established itself as one of the most prominent and active paradigms in social and political research, exceeding in scope as well as in reach its more modest beginnings tied to the "Ideology and Discourse Analysis" course at the University of Essex. But very soon Laclau and Mouffe's project provoked a extensive counter-discursive line, combining friendly, but nonetheless critical interventions of theoretically close philosophers, with openly antagonistic posture ranging from the classical Marxist left, proponents of liberalism, positivism or naturalism. For this quite colorful coalition, whose representatives would surely find it hard to agree on any kind of substantive claim about the nature of social formation or its analysis, the approach offered by Laclau and Mouffe was fundamentally, or in the case of more amicable reactions, tragically flawed. It is hopelessly affected either by idealism or reductionism; it is incapable of providing causal explanation, while (at best) it stops at bringing out "thick description" of observed phenomena; it is characterized by deeply flawed logic, a result of a process of (insufficient) abandonment of Marxist weltanschauung and its misdirected merging with postmodern ontologies; it is guilty of moral and scientific nihilism, brought up by persisting on "negative" description of PDT approach as "deconstructive genealogy", providing no foundations whatsoever for normative evaluation and critique of observed social phenomena etc. This "far and wide" collage of critique is not so surprising, since in its theoretical scope and implications, Laclau and Mouffe's project was far more ambitious than their initial attempt to work their way out from what was perceived as 80's "reality check" on Marxist theory. But as Laclau himself once remarked, most theoretical problems are often not worked upon, but rather replaced with a set of new ones. After abandoning radical political Marxist thought, Laclau and Mouffe had only gone some way in further construction of their approach; in their more recent, separately written works, they are more preoccupied with the set of abstract problems dominating contemporary political theory, rather than (explicitly) working on not-so-trifling problems of their own hegemonic approach to politics. It would hardly be considered a sign of prudence here to remind of Laclau's remark in his contribution to Laclau: A Critical Reader [2004], in which he states that "hegemony as form (…) is perfectly theorized in my work" (322).
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