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2018, American Thinker
In January 2018, in his first State of the Union address, President Trump defended the “American way” and offered a four-point plan on immigration. Trump’s proposal “offers a path to citizenship for 1.8 million illegal immigrants who were brought here by their parents at a young age,” known as DREAMers; includes implementing his signature campaign promise to build a wall on America’s southern border, ending the visa lottery, and ending chain migration. Trump unequivocally extended a hand of bipartisanship. But Democrats were furious over the president’s words, saying he has only made a bipartisan deal harder to reach.
Journal of Black Studies, 2007
2021
This ebook meant for the common citizen portrays trends in public opinion about immigration in 21 easily read graphs, many of which extend into late 2019 and some through 2020. This report also relates these trends in public opinion to their broader context, such as the successful immigration reforms of 1965 and 1986 and the failures during the administrations of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump. The often sharp differences between Democrats and Republicans that are portrayed through the report highlight the difficulties that face compromise in this area. Will President Biden succeed where his last three predecessors failed? Certainly it will be a big challenge, but it can be done if we let the public show the way.
Essay explores the immigration policies of key Democratic Party leaders including Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, Janet Napolitano, and Hillary Rodham Clinton in the context of both neoliberalism and U.S. interventionism in Latin America. Submitted in partial requirement for the Spring 2016 U.S. Immigration Law course at Peoples College of Law with Professor Javier Lopez-Perez, Esq.
Four Years of Trump. The US and the World, 2020
In what follows, I summarize some of the most salient points of migration policy and practice under Trump. I must emphasize this is not a comprehensive review of all the Trump administration’s measures that have aimed from the onset to restrict US-bound immigration and punish migrants. It is instead an effort to look back at some of these measures in light of the 2020 US presidential election – one that could mark the end of the (current) Trump era, or presage another four years of migration policy rooted in escalating racism and rightwing nationalism. It is also an attempt to express concern over what the return of the Democratic party into office could bring about, given it also lacks a solid plan to safeguard the rights of those arriving to the US-Mexico border or seeking to enter the US in search of protection. I say this not only as a scholar who follows US migration and border policy for a living, but as a migrant who has witnessed how US migration policy’s alleged efforts to protect a nation and its people have systematically and historically relied on the depiction of migrants and their communities as threats – a trend that is unlikely to disappear under a new administration, regardless of party.
American Journal of Political Science, 2014
Immigration is profoundly changing the racial demographics of America. In this article, we seek to understand if and how immigration and increasing racial diversity are shaping the partisan politics of individual white Americans. We show that whites' views on immigration and Latinos are strongly related to their core political identities and vote choices. Using a range of different surveys, we find that, all else equal, whites with more anti-immigrant views or more negative views of Latinos are less apt to identify as Democrats and less likely to favor Democratic candidates. This rightward shift harkens back to an earlier period of white defection from the Democratic Party and highlights the enduring but shifting impact of race on American politics.
2018
Last week the United States government shut down for the first time in nearly 5 years. At the centre of the shutdown was the impasse between Democrats and Republicans over the DREAM Act, which would grant residency to those who came to the US as the children of undocumented immigrants. While the Democrats eventually agreed to a budget which did not include the legislation, Hannah Walker, Kassra A.R. Oskooii, and Sergio Garcia-Rios write that there is still widespread support for such a measure among Democratic voters. In order to get immigration reform through Congress, they argue, the Democratic Party, must mobilize its supporters en masse into a broad-based coalition to push for reform.
This paper is on promises on immigration, deportations.
Word on the Move, 2024
Trump did not win because of the politicization of immigration. One reason for this is that only in a few polls did “immigration” rank as the main concern for over 50% of likely voters. Only a minority said they would vote for a presidential candidate solely on that issue. Those who did were over 70% Republican across polls. There was a similar dynamic regarding “economics.” It was misleading, both during the campaign and after the election, to assert that the primary concerns of the electorate are the economy and immigration. For example, an exit poll from ten key states conducted by NBC shows that only 11% of the electorate saw immigration as the issue that “mattered most” for their vote (when given only five possible issues), and of those voters, 90% of them were Republican.
Maryland Journal of International Law, 2018
2020
Since 2017, President Trump and his allies have hurtled the politics and policy of immigration in xenophobic directions to an extent without modern precedent, and with devastating effect. The Trump presidency has instituted hundreds of restrictionist measures, including high profile initiatives that have prompted significant public controversy and many less prominent, often technical measures that have erected a sprawling, “invisible wall” and placed millions at heightened risk of deportation. With the onset of the novel coronavirus pandemic, the administration has intensified this crackdown further, using the outbreak as a pretext to institute even more sweeping restrictions that it previously had tried but failed to achieve. Because these measures have been implemented almost entirely through executive action, rather than new legislation, the incoming Biden administration will be well-positioned to roll back many of them—that is, provided that it commits the resources, energy, and political capital required. But even as it seeks to dismantle the Trump immigration legacy, the new administration should also lay the foundation for a more fundamental paradigm shift away from the entrenched regime of comprehensive immigration severity that enabled the Trump presidency’s xenophobic crackdown in the first place. In both its executive actions and legislative agenda on immigration, the new administration has an opportunity to embrace the more ambitious objective, as it has in other policy domains, to "build back better" in the aftermath of Trump.
Illinois Association of Multilingual Multicultural Education Bulletin, 2017
On Friday, January 20, 2017, Donald Trump became the 45th President of the United States. He ran on a campaign that heavily maligned immigrants in general, but undocumented immigrants in particular. From the beginning of his campaign, Trump and his supporters have made many statements indicating that “Mexico is not sending us their best” and that Mexico will pay for a wall to keep Mexicans from coming to the U.S. Although blatantly false, statements such as the above are partially what attracted so many people to him and ultimately got him elected. In this paper, we take common beliefs about undocumented immigration and shed light on what is the reality in hopes that by sharing facts instead of spreading misinformation, people can become more educated on this topic.
2019
The focus of this paper is in trying to understand why senators voted the way they did for the passage of the Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act. The votes were assessed on the basis of existing research which argues that members of Congress cast votes based on what their constituency wants, what their party demands, and what ideology they follow. Data was gathered on the party affiliation, immigrant population by state, and ideology of each senator in the 113th Congress who cast a vote on the bill. The data was then examined through a series of statistical analysis tests measuring the degree of influence the three variables had on the votes cast. It was determined that while all three variables had an effect, ideology had the most influence. Further research was conducted to understand why some Republican senators voted for the bill even though the party consensus was to vote against it. The results of the tests indicated that ideology and immi...
Labor, 2008
The practical and ethical challenges posed by unauthorized immigration in the United States have a long history. In this article, which serves as the basis of discussion in this issue's Up for Debate section, Daniel Tichenor demonstrates how the immigration debate defies the usual liberal/conservative divide of U.S. politics and illustrates the different ways that distinct ideological camps define the problem of illegal immigration. He then shows how American immigration reform, because of the contentious politics it inspires, has been propelled over time by compromises among strange bedfellows. The legislative result for almost a century has been a series of Faustian bargains over porous borders and access to cheap, low-skilled labor. Equally important, the capacity and will of the national state to enforce its immigration laws have long been beleaguered by a tradition of inadequate resources, erratic leadership, and poor oversight. While the political spotlight usually trains ...
2020
Comparative Analysis of the Trump-Biden Electoral Impact on Immigration Policies and Enforcement
SMU LAW REVIEW, 2008
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While U.S. immigration entry policies after 1953 became a hallmark of ideological openness, designating the United States as the unquestioned leader of a freer and more just world order, Donald Trump's current immigration strategies isolate America, damage her economy, and fuel divisive feelings among citizens. This paper hopes to persuade the Republican Party not to revert to its pre-1953 restrictionist and nativist stance, thereby undoing the crucial work undertaken by the Eisenhower Administration. The author argues that a sound grasp of the debate that led to the approval of the Refugee Relief Act in 1953 can lead to better informed political decision-making, tracing a new phase of America's active presence on the world stage, in line with the country's national interest and Cold war tradition.
This paper seeks to explain the apparent paralysis that has affected efforts to address the very real immigration problems that the United States faces. The answer appears to lie in the divergence between the politics and the economics of immigration that has prevented the Congress from adopting comprehensive reforms that would rationalize an immigration system riddled with contradictions and continuing tolerance for illegal migration. The paper begins with a historical overview of immigration policy decision-making processes in the United States. It then briefly presents current immigration policies and explains their successes and failures. This section also sets out the principal policy recommendations that have been under consideration to reform immigration. The paper then discusses three factors that help explain the difficulties in enacting comprehensive reform: 1) the coalitions that form around immigration policy, which often successfully coalesce over specific provisions in the law but break apart over others; 2) public ambivalence about immigration, particularly among those who see their own immigrant forebears through rose-colored glasses but are fearful that today's immigrants will fail to adopt American norms and values; and 3) practical impediments that make effective reform difficult to achieve. The final section discusses future prospects for immigration reform and presents recommendations for steps that may help achieve that end.
2015
In the summer of 2014, tens of thousands of Central American women and children arrived at the United States border. The numbers were unprecedented and their arrival was quickly characterized as a crisis. However, many immigrants’ rights activists also saw it as an opportunity. They hoped the border crisis would force the government to pass sweeping immigration reform. It did. Unfortunately, many immigrants would have been better off without these changes.
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