Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
Abstract & Table of Contents
isara solutions, 2023
This research paper re-examines the multifaceted aspects of Emperor Akbar's reign, exploring the intricate dynamics of his authority and the symbolic strategies he employed to solidify his position as the Mughal sovereign.
The period of Akbar " s rule (1556-1605) has been regarded as one of the most significant and incomparable periods in Indian history in particular regarding with Hindu Muslim interaction. Indeed, Akbar " s success stemmed from his religious policy that based on Sulh-i Kul (universal peace and harmony) between all his subjects regardless with their social, ethical or religious identities. His religious policy was not a sudden event, rather emerged from in the course of time depending on different internal and external factors. The final stage of Akbar " s religious policy, the Din-i Ilahi (Religion of God), was a syncretic religious movement propounded by him in 1582 A.D., was one of the most substantial dimensions of mutual interaction and relationship between Hinduism and Islam. The primary aim of this paper, therefore, is to examine the factors influencing Akbar " s religious policy and to analyze critically Akbar " s Din-i Ilahi by dealing with its basic features and virtues which more or less shaped his attitudes towards other religious and social groups.
Journal of South Asian Studies, 2021
The paper focuses on the reigns and policies of the two Mughal Emperors, Akbar and Aurangzeb, and analyses how they have been remembered in the wider social memory. While Akbar is glorified as a 'secular' and 'liberal' leader, Aurangzeb is often dismissed and ridiculed as a 'religious bigot', who tried to impose the Shari'ah law in diversified India. The paper traces and evaluates the construction of these two grand narratives which were initially formed by the British historians in colonial India and then continued by specific nationalist historians of India and Pakistan, after the independence of the two nation-states. By citing some of the most popular misconceptions surrounding the two Mughal Emperors, this study attempts to understand the policies of these two emperors in a wider socio-political narrative and attempts to deconstruct these ‘convenient’ misinterpretations. Concluding the analysis of how these two emperors are viewed differently in both...
Akbar has been seen as one of the greatest rulers of the Mughal dynasty in India. He came to the throne in 1556 upon the death of his father Humayun. The time at which he ascended the throne was a particularly unstable period, when the still developing Mughal state was confronting a great deal of problems – both political and religious. The challenges came not only from the ruling groups but also from indigenous forces in Hindustan. Akbar has been credited with the establishment of the institutional basis of the state and the crystallization of its ideological and political stance. Before we analyse the challenges faced by Akbar, it is helpful to look at the primary contemporary sources and how they influence our perception of Akbar. Abul Fazl's Akbarnama and Ain-i-Akbari are the two primary accounts giving what can essentially be seen as the official position on various affairs. Abul Fazl was in favour of Akbar's ideology and being the court chronicler has presented him in a very positive light. As a corrective to Fazl's almost eulogical work is Abdul Qadir Badauni's Muntakhab-ut-tawarikh. Badauni was also at Akbar's court, but he was a man of orthodox beliefs, who did not endorse Akbar's liberal ideology and is hence overly critical of his policies. There are however many things mentioned in his account like the Mahzarnama, which are not present in Badauni, thereby giving us a complete picture of Akbar. Another source is Nizamuddin Ahmad's Tabaqat-i-akbari. We also have the accounts of the Jesuit missionaries at Akbar's court. Their accounts however are restricted due to their lack of local knowledge. Also, they held a grudge against Akbar who never promoted Christianity the way they would have expected him to. Hence, they too look upon his policies with a prejudiced eye. We need to study these sources in conjunction in order to arrive at a more or less accurate picture of the time. When Akbar ascended the throne at Kalanaur on 14 February, 1556, he had only a tenuous hold on the Punjab and the Delhi-Agra area. What can be called Mughal political patterns and institutions developed during the first half of Akbar's reign. Babur had brought the Timurid dynasty to India but could not develop distinctively Mughal institutions, practices, and political and cultural styles. Akbar's reign saw the development of a new set of administrative institutions, a new conception of kingship and the constitution of government, a new military system, and new norms of political behaviour. Douglas Streusand believes that evolution of Mughal institutions under Akbar are characterized by the element of compromise. The regime survived because it satisfied both the ruler and the members of the political elite. It represented a compromise between the ideals represented in the rituals and texts which propounded the constitution and economic and military realities, and also between the desires and expectations of the ruler and the nobility. Akbar created the Mughal Empire from two sets of components, what he found in Hindustan and what his father had brought with him from Central Asia. He synthesized these two legacies to produce a distinctly Mughal
Philological Encounters, 2020
In the late sixteenth century, the Mughal Emperor Akbar sponsored the translation of more than one dozen Sanskrit texts into Persian, chief among them the Mahābhārata. The epic was retitled the Razmnāma (Book of War) in Persian and rapidly became a seminal work of Mughal imperial culture. Within the Razmnāma, the Mughal translators devoted particular attention to sections on political advice. They rendered book twelve (out of eighteen books), the Śānti Parvan (Book of Peace), into Persian at disproportionate length to the rest of the text and singled out parts of this section to adorn with quotations of Persian poetry. Book twelve also underwent significant transformations in terms of its content as Mughal thinkers reframed the Mahābhārata's views on ethics and sovereignty in light of their own imperial interests. I analyze this section of the Razmnāma in comparison to the original Sanskrit epic and argue that the Mughal translators reformulated parts of the Mahābhārata's political advice in both style and substance in order to speak directly to Emperor Akbar. The type of advice that emerged offers substantial insight into the political values that Mughal elites sought to cultivate through translating a Sanskrit work on kingship.
Sixteenth century Asia represented a heavily contested political landscape with the establishment of the Safavid dynasty in Iran, the Uzbek Khanate at Bukhara and the Mughals in the Indo-Gangetic basin, alongside the existence of the two centuries old Ottoman Sultanate. A meticulous examination of the official correspondence between the respective heads of these states unravels the complex strands of their multilateral interactions. The Mughal response to the allegations by the Uzbeks regarding the heretical acts of Akbar in the final quarter of the sixteenth century, couched in diplomatic language by the ideologue Abū'l Fażl, raises certain problematics that constitute the subject of study here. Why was it necessary for Akbar to portray himself as a good Islamic ruler in order to establish his credibility? What were the politics of drafting missives and selecting envoys? What crucial role did the vocabulary of symbolism perform in negotiating the idea of Islam? Or were these engagements merely a façade beneath which Islam was subverted for political and material purposes? By addressing these questions, this paper attempts to complicate historical understandings of power contests of global significance in this period. It brings out the remarkable scribal skills of Abū'l Fażl that evince the astute diplomat in him. Simultaneously, an inquiry into the volatile relationship between religious ideology and statecraft highlights the tensions and dilem
The World of the Siege: Representations of Early Modern Positional Warfare, eds. Anke Fischer-Kattner and Jamel Ostwald (Brill)), 2019
This chapter looks at Mughal sieges through the lens of literary representation. It focuses on five imperial sieges - ones that the third Mughal emperor Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar (r. 1556-1605) - led in person in course of his long rule spanning almost half a century. These are the sieges of Mankot (1557), Chitor (1567-68), Ranthambhor (1569), Surat (1572-73), and Patna (1574). The chapter analyses the politics of narrativisation of these sieges in three imperial chronicles - Muhammad Arif Qandahari's Tarikh-i Akbari, Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad's Tabaqat-i Akbari, and Abul Fazl's Akbarnama. It traces how exactly these chroniclers used their literary descriptions of these sieges as sites for the construction and memorialisation of the greatness of Akbar as a universal ruler.
Scroll, 2021
The Tarikh-i-Alfi is the first among the great historical manuscripts produced in the Mughal kitabkhana under Akbar. It was followed by the Tarikh-i-Khandan i Timurriya, the Chingiznama, the Baburnamas and the Akbarnamas among other fine illustrated manuscripts of both newly-written and classic historic texts. As the History of a Thousand Years (Alf) the Tarikh recounts the rulers and caliphs of the first millennium of Islam and was meant to be ready in time for 1000 AH. In this article, I discuss the unusual format of the illustrations by studying several surviving pages.
AKBAR THE GREAT MOGUL 1542-1605 BY VINCENT A. SMITH
Columbia University Press, 2022
Any king who learns wisdom and persists in his consecration of the Light of Lights, as we said before, will be given the Great Royal Light (kiyān kharra) and the luminous light (farra). Divine light will bestow upon him the robe of Royal Authority and of majesty. He will become the natural ruler of the world. He will receive aid from the lofty realm of heavens. Whatever he says will be heard in the Heavens. His dream and his personal inspirations will reach perfection.
Open Theology, 2023
Carl Schmitt's well-known declaration that "all significant" modern political concepts are "secularized theological concepts" has sometimes been treated as hyperbole: a metaphorical axe aimed at the frozen sea of legal positivism, a provocation rather than a thesis. In this article, I demonstrate the fecundity of this thesis by applying it to secularism, a concept undeniably central to the Liberal state; crucially, however, I do so in the context of early modern South Asian history and ongoing debates over the secularism of premodern Mughal polity. As I argue, Jalāl ud-Dīn Akbar (1542-1605 CE)a monarch of the Mughal dynasty often cast by South Asian secularists as a precocious emblem of the neutral state was, in fact, an ideal type of Schmittian sovereign, who nonetheless stands equidistant from both Schmitt and his Liberal opponents in his stance toward religious pluralism. The theological correlate to Akbar's "secularism" was an Islamicate theology of religions, which provided a contentful religious justification for religious pluralism, very different from contemporary "post-metaphysical" arguments. The final section of the article takes a critical turn, as I examine Akbar's legendary reputation in the present, my intervention into his "secular" mythos, and the special difficulties involved in applying Schmittian concepts to an early modern, non-Western sacred king.
Trans Stellar Journals, 2021
History is an intricate interpretation and scrutiny of bygone occurrences. As mankind has progressed and evolved, this led to the birth of a functioning community, a society. To understand humanity, the determining factor would be to fathom the characteristics and functioning of society. Various historians have written their experiences about the society that they resided in. One such account is that of Father Monserrate, who wrote during the reign of Akbar, one of the most prominent Mughal emperors. He was very enthusiastic to learn about various religions in his reign. Father Monserrate's commentary was a first-hand experience and so it became a primary source to understand and study the society as well as the Jesuit order during Akbar's reign. The objective of the research paper is to provide an objective view of how war, religion and justice influenced society during Akbar's reign. Various religious sites, rituals, and practices are explored in detail in these journals. These are mapped with modern practices for better identification in this paper. Similarly, we also analyse the broad spectrum of encounters and occurrences that the author came across as a Jesuit missionary at court. The nature of war in the Mughal era is explored in detail through Akbar's war with his brother Mirza Hakim. The Jesuit mission's frequent public religious debates with Akbar and his court also provide insights into questions about society, cultural diversity, and varied perceptions related to religion and social order in the Mughal empire by taking references from Father Monserrate's accounts. All this is laid out in this paper through the use of travel literature and literary analysis.
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, 2016
This study seeks to expand the horizon of existing literatures on the dialectic of religion, legal culture and local dynamics by comparing two great Muslim rulers in two different parts of the world in the first Islamic millennium: Mughal Emperor Akbar and Mataram's Sultan Agung. It specifically aims to analyze historical accounts on the dynamic relations between Islamic norms and local culture with corresponding results of distinctive ways of ruling by these two great rulers. While both rulers Akbar and Sultan Agung shared similar concerns in political imagination, their difference was particularly shown in the representation of religion in the courts' political and legal culture, with the latter was heavily determined by different challenges they faced during their rule. This paper argues that a comparative overview of these two great figures, who ruled in different parts of the world and at rather successive periods, would be beneficial for the studies of religion-culture relations in flagging the 1 This article is an elaboration of our previous research on "Dialectic of Religion and Culture: A Comparison of Emperor Akbar's Spiritualism Din-i-Ilahi and Sultan Agung's Manunggaling Kawula Gusti that we conducted with Prof.
This paper aims to look into the policy stratagems of two ‘greats’ in the pantheon of distinguished Indian rulers – Ashoka and Akbar, which were ‘Dhamma’ and ‘Sulh-i-Kul’, respectively. When we think of negotiations and coalitions, most of the times, we tend to ignore their manifestations in history, and, even then – give little weightage to the events, negotiations and policies which happened in the ‘Eastern’ realm. ‘Dhamma’ and ‘Sulh-i-Kul’ were devised, innovatively, to bind the diverse pluralities in harmony and generate order. These novel policies would be discussed under the lenses of – ancient Indian board strategy game of Chess and the existing theoretical frameworks of – negotiation-analysis and coalition-building, leading to a concluding denouement which would highlight their relevance for the policymakers in the modern world.
Abu'l-Fath Jalal ud-din Muhammad Akbar, popularly known as Akbar I literally "the great"; 15 October 1542]– 27 October 1605) and later Akbar the Great (Urdu: Akbar-e-Azam; literally "Great the Great") was Mughal Emperor from 1556 until his death. He was the third and one of the greatest rulers of the Mughal Dynasty in India. Akbar succeeded his father,Humayun, under a regent, Bairam Khan, who helped the young emperor expand and consolidate Mughal domains in India. A strong personality and a successful general, Akbar gradually enlarged the Mughal Empire to include nearly all of the IndianSubcontinentnorth of the Godavari river. His power and influence, however, extended over the entire country because of Mughal military, political, cultural, and economic dominance. To unify the vast Mughal state, Akbar established a centralised system of administration throughout his empire and adopted a policy of conciliating conquered rulers through marriage and diplomacy. In order to preserve peace and order in a religiously and culturally diverse empire, he adopted policies that won him the support of his non-Muslim subjects. Eschewing tribal bonds and Islamic state identity, Akbar strived to unite far-flung lands of his realm through loyalty, expressed through a Persianised culture, to himself as an emperor who had near-divine status.
The Historical Journal
Since 2001, the geo-strategic priorities of the ‘War on Terror’ have prompted renewed attention to the historically significant region of Waziristan. Ironically, given the apparent failure of British attempts to pacify the region in the century after 1849, Waziristan’s colonial history has been picked over by policy-makers, commentators, and scholars for lessons which might be applied to current projects of state-building and counter-insurgency. Unabashedly instrumentalist, these works have reproduced the reductive stereotypes of the colonial sources and helped to entrench partial understandings of the frontier which obscure the dynamic and contingent nature of imperial state-building. This article offers an alternate frame for writing the history of the colonial frontier by re-examining how British officials attempted to constitute colonial authority through their engagements with one of the region’s most powerful groups: the Mahsud Wazirs. Challenging historiographical emphases on...
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.