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What is the origin of the Middle Eastern state? Although social scientists have traditionally emphasized the role of the European colonial experience, especially the British and French mandates following World War I, the late Ottoman era from the Edict of Gülhane in 1839 that inaugurated the Tanzimat reforms until World War I represents a period at least as critical to understanding origins of the state in the region. Certain Ottoman provinces known as Eyalet-i Mümtaze or exceptional/special provinces developed under the aegis of the Ottoman Empire that acquired many statelike attributes without becoming independent polities. Moreover, the nature of the Ottoman Imperial center changed to become more similar to that of a territorially delimited state as opposed to the classic multifaceted polity that had been the earlier norm. These developments resulted in a blurring of lines that had traditionally defined state and empire during the nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire. To illustrate this change, economic, administrative, and political examples are presented from Egypt and Turkey. This comparative analysis will identify ways the evolution of the two states was similar as well as critical differences such as the extent of foreign intervention and the role played by representative assemblies. The formation of imperial states within the empire as well as the transformation of the empire to become more statelike resulted in strong state institutions in places such as Egypt and Turkey that long preceded the main European colonial intervention in the region after World War I.
2024
The Ottoman Empire often conjures images of despotic sultans, formidable armies, and luxurious harems. These perceptions, shaped largely by orientalist portrayals, have long overshadowed the complexities of Ottoman history. Over the past decades, however, scholars have reevaluated and enriched our understanding of the empire’s origins and development, challenging outdated narratives and simplistic explanations. This paper explores the emergence of the Ottoman state, critically examining among others Paul Wittek’s influential Gaza Thesis. Wittek argued that Islamic ‘holy war’ (gaza) against Christians was the primary catalyst for Ottoman expansion and state formation. By situating this debate within the broader historical and cultural contexts of Turkish migrations and the frontier dynamics of Anatolia, and by applying theoretical models of ancient state-building, this paper reevaluates the process of Ottoman state-building and explores alternative explanations for its remarkable success.
2021
This article focuses on the political dynamics of Ottoman modernization attempts undertaken between the late 18 th century and the 20 th century. These historical attempts are generally classified in the political literature either as modernization or Westernization. This process was not linear; rather, it fluctuated. This study describes certain military, legal, administrative, social and institutional milestones of these movements. For instance, Selim III's attempts were predominantly military, while from the Tanzimat onwards, the reforms acquired political, legal and administrative tones. This paper also outlines domestic and international developments that systematically affected the modernization measures. Russian wars could be considered the main factor influencing Ottoman statesmen until the end of the 19 th century. Conversely, Western powers did not fully support the Ottoman Empire during this period. In return, Ottoman statesmen played one power against another to sustain the empire's diplomatic existence. The paper concludes by evaluating the more recent developments of the 20 th century to elucidate the inheritance of the state system of the newborn Turkish Republic.
The Ottoman Empire: A History, 2022
The Ottoman Empire was the last of the great empires that had dominated the Middle East and Mediterranean since the dawn of the history of civilisation. The Ottoman Empire began around 1300 as a late-medieval entity, and it transformed several times over its six centuries of existence as it adapted to the conditions of the early modern and modern periods, until its ultimate demise at the end of the First World War. The Ottoman Empire: A History surveys six hundred years of Ottoman history in a single, concise volume. This book covers the major political, diplomatic, and military events and social, economic, financial, administrative, and legal institutions of the Ottoman Empire from the early fourteenth to the early twentieth century. It also explores the political-administrative and socio-economic transformations the empire has undergone over the centuries. The book frames Ottoman institutional history in terms of the concept of the Circle of Justice in the Middle Eastern state tradition. In the conclusion, Çetinsaya discusses three key questions and offers some answers to them: What is the relative place of the Ottoman Empire in world history vis-à-vis that of other empires? What factors account for the great longevity of the Ottoman Empire? And how to deal with the controversial legacy of the empire in its successor states? In addition to a series of box texts and tables on various subjects throughout the book, a basic timeline of key dates and events is offered at the beginning of every chapter, and a list of suggested readings at the end.
The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of the Middle East, ed. Armando Salvatore, Sari Hanafi and Kieko Obuse, 2020
This chapter discusses the end of the Ottoman Empire, looking at three case studies which illustrate the pattern of change seen in the transition from the Ottoman Empire to nation-states. Greece, the first Ottoman territory to gain independence (1830), set prece dents in establishing government by non-natives, introducing religious and legal institu tions based on European models and working single-mindedly to instill national identity in its population. Almost a century later, King Faysal I (r. 1921-1933) of Iraq followed a similar path, albeit under British direction. The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1922 and offered a slight variation on the pattern in that it built on selected legacies from the late Ottoman Empire. It was the only post-Ottoman country founded primarily by internal effort rather than by European intervention, and the national identity it worked to en trench in the population drew upon the political ideas of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which had dominated Ottoman government from 1908 to 1918. Despite that continuity, the republican government pursued the agenda of tearing down Ottoman institutions and rebuilding state and society as national projects. Such nation-building ul timately succeeded, producing its own instabilities; in new post-Ottoman countries such as Greece, Iraq, and Turkey, social and political re-engineering aroused resistance within the population.
As commentary to an earlier article, a shrewd reader’s question hit at the very epicenter of today’s most critical problems of the Islamic world; the question was why the modern states, which were Ottoman provinces before being progressively detached from Turkey (from 1798 to 1918), namely Egypt, Algeria, Aden, Sudan, Tunisia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Oman, UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Libya, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia, cannot become – once for all – normal, independent states, and as such implement a proper nation building process, and demonstrate public order and discipline, while abiding by their traditions and cultures. 1. Arab Spring can happen only to Pseudo-States The question is very timely as the fake revolutions, fallaciously termed as ‘Arab Spring’ by the Freemasonic – Zionist mass media, proved to be the result of a sheer, yet systematic and sophisticated, manipulation of the local mobs by the secret services of the US, UK, France, Holland, Belgium, Israel, Canada, Australia, and eventually other Western countries (in coordination and for a rather long period that only recently showed its dreadful result). First published in a shorter form in www.buhodle.post - Friday, July 5th, 2013 Republished on 12th September 2014: http://megalommatis.blogspot.com.eg/2014/09/why-former-ottoman-provinces-cannot.html
OKAMOTO Takashi (ed.), A World History of Suzerainty: A Modern History of East and West Asia and Translated Concepts, 2019
2020
This thesis seeks to analyze and contextualize the role of power relations in the process of modern state-formation by looking at politics of taxation and provincial administration in the Ottoman Empire after the promulgation of Tanzimat (Reformation) in 1840. Its main argument is that the modern state-formation can be contextualized through looking at arenas of struggle in which different social forces, including central state, take part to assert their domination. It asserts that rather than pointing out the 'place' of a state on the scale from weak to strong, analyzing complex relationships between social forces helps to study state-formation as a process without neglecting the importance of the context in which the modern state has taken its form and content. It argues that modern state formation process opens up new arenas of struggle between central state and other social forces through the new mechanisms established and institutionalized in that process. Focusing on an important arena of struggle, the politics of taxation, this thesis argues that this arena facilitates an analytical insight into the processes of state formation while enabling an emphasis on the relational aspects of state and society. For this reason, new institutions and mechanisms in the politics of taxation are examined to draw out to these aspects. The focus is on the local councils as a novel mechanism in provincial administration after the promulgation of Tanzimat in 1840, demonstrating how new mechanisms and institutions paved the way for new arenas of struggle and accommodation between the central state and social forces to emerge and, in doing so, shaped, affected and rearranged the modern state-formation process. Accordingly, the Niš Uprising and Vidin Uprising that took place in 1841 and 1850 respectively, are under scrutiny, as they facilitate comprehensive analysis on the role of power struggles in the modern state-formation.
Turkey’s relations with “The Middle East and North Africa” are based on profound historical roots. After the decline of the Ottoman Empire, these areas were no longer under Ottoman sovereignty and came under the control of the British Empire (Iraq, Palestine and Egypt), France (Syria, Tunisia and Algeria) and Italy (today’s Libya). The socio-cultural consequences of the relations established over hundreds of years of Ottoman administration and the natural religious ties made Turkey an intrinsic part of this zone. Although this vision helped Turkey to be perceived as a part of this area, the policy of rapprochement with the West, followed by the foundation of the Turkish Republic in 1923 resulted in her diminishing interests in the Middle East. Meanwhile, the Turkish society faced economic problems as a result of the war. The government couldn’t develop an active foreign policy due to the state of affairs of the population and the regime’s attempts to impose a new ideology. In recent years, the Turkish Republic has expressed the desire to become an active role-player in the area, aiming, through an open diplomacy, to ensure peace within the region, to obtain economic and political achievements, but also to contribute to its stability and welfare. To what extent can this be a “model” for the countries going through the Arab Spring?
THE COLLAPSE OF EMPIRES IN THE 20 TH CENTURY: NEW STATES AND NEW IDENTITIES, 2020
The collapse of empires in the 20 th century: new states and new identities. -Yerevan, 2020, 332 p. The 20th century was marked by the collapse of a number of powerful empires, the emergence of new states and the formation of new identities on their basis. A group of scientists from different countries presented a study on the consequences of this process on the example of a number of countries and nations.
FROM EMPIRE TO REPUBLIC, 2024
This book offers a comprehensive exploration of Halil İnalcık’s pivotal contributions to Ottoman social history and the birth of modern Turkey, blending rigorous scholarship with extensive archival research. In its first section, the book examines the foundational pillars of the Ottoman political and social system, exploring land tenure, the çift-hane (family-farm) unit, and the vital tahrir registers. It then turns to the diverse non-Muslim populations under Ottoman rule, uncovering the legal autonomy granted to the Greek Orthodox Church, and the unique conditions that enabled the settlement of Sephardic Jews within the empire. İnalcık also traces the profound Turkish influence on the evolution of modern Europe, alongside a nuanced examination of the shifting dynamics of power between the sultan and emerging political centers. The second section addresses the crucial transition from empire to republic, shedding light on Turkey’s pivotal position between Europe and the Middle East. İnalcık’s examination of the abolition of the Caliphate in 1924, juxtaposed with Atatürk’s sweeping reforms, illuminates key moments in the birth of the modern Turkish state, showcasing İnalcık’s indispensable role in understanding this historical transformation.“From Empire to Republic” stands as an essential resource for both professional historians and avid history enthusiasts, offering deep insights into the complex forces shaping Turkey’s past and present.
Since its demise, the Ottoman Empire has been repeatedly reinvented. This paper traces the diverse and often unexpected ways Ottoman history served divergent political agendas over the past century, exploring Empire's progression from religious to secular to pious and from multi-cultural to Turkish to tolerant.
Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 2020
Were Ottoman autonomous provinces nation-states in the making or signs of a semicolonial and irredeemably weak empire? Or, were they evidence of alternative arrangements of imperial sovereignty? By taking a long view of Ottoman history and examining “exceptional” provinces such as the Khedivate of Egypt, the Sharifate of Mecca, and the mutasarrifiya of Mt. Lebanon, this reflection seeks to recast new and reorganized configurations of administrative power in the nineteenth century as part of a broad repertoire of Ottoman autonomy. In lieu of characterizing these territories as flawed or imperfect sovereignties, we question the utility of these terms and argue that arrangements often referred to as exceptions were normative and central to the empire's survival. Drawing on our work on international law, autonomy, pilgrimage, and migration, we consider how Egypt and the Hijaz—two provinces that are often treated as exceptionally exceptional—serve as productive sites to examine how Ottomans engaged with the international legal order and posed alternative visions of authority that informed not only the end of the empire but also its afterlife.
in Matthias Middell (Ed.), Cultural Transfers, Encounters and Connections in the Global 18th Century, Leipzig, Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2014, pp. 231-260., 2014
In his 1954 address to the American Philosophical Society on the role of the Ottoman Empire in world history, Arnold Toynbee emphasized the importance of the year 1453. The subsequent centuries he envisioned as merely a series of splendours and failures leading inevitably to the collapse of the Empire and the creation of the modern Turkish state. For many years, the process was seen as follows: the Ottoman Empire was a counterpoint to great global frescoes which had little to do with the methodological progress to be accomplished later in the field of history, now tackled from a global perspective. Even in this framework, as will be seen, the place of the eighteenth century cannot be taken for granted. The Ottoman Empire’s important position is recognised, of course, in valuations of the interlaced cultural and institutional spheres which have shaped the world; it is conceded that the Empire incarnated certain crucial aspects of the evolution of these spheres and their interstices at the moment when modernity emerged, the fundamentals of which are to be discussed on a solid base, beyond cumbersome ideological wreckage. Nevertheless, in the field of Ottoman studies, the common era eighteenth century is rarely considered as a key period. Work has tended to focus on Ottoman expansion in earlier period, as well as on the decline, portrayed as irremediable, of the nineteenth century. Nevertheless, for the Ottoman Empire – and in particular for its Arab provinces, the eighteenth century represents a crucial moment. (This is not to ignore other aspects of the Empire nor non-Ottoman areas of the Arabic cultural domain). From a global historical perspective, the study of these provinces is a crucial area for current research. The same is true for work in connected history. It is only from this angle that the Ottoman Empire will be able to find its rightful place in reflections on the destiny of empires and on the characteristics of the societies to which they have given birth
Estudos Internacionais, 2020
NETSOL: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences, 2019
Cem Emrence’s, Remapping the Ottoman Middle East, is an ambitious effort to cultivate a new analytical framework to the field of Ottoman Studies that addresses variables of socio-economic and political diversity that are often overlooked in previous studies of the Ottoman Middle East. The application of this new analytical framework functions both as a mean of explaining the uneven development witnessed in specific regions of the Ottoman Empire and revealing multiple, alternative paths to modernity in the region. Emrence’s call to implement his multi-disciplinary, intra-empire perspective is necessary, according to the author, in order to understand the variations of historical paths in the Ottoman world. Subsequently, Emrence identifies three distinct historical paths spatially situated within the Empire: the Coast, the Interior, and the Frontier. Moreover, while focus is placed on discerning these alternative paths to modernity, Emrence can address the much larger question concerning the disposition of Ottoman rule from the eighteenth century to the Empire’s demise following the War of 1914-18 and, by extension, address the implications of the empire’s demise on Middle Eastern social constructs.
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