Ethnicity, Culture, and "the Past"

Aztlan a Journal of Chicano Studies, 1986

iSabes quC? Ora como que apaiio guergiienza, siempre camellando como un pinchi animal, Cse, ustC que ha leyido tantos "comics." iQut semos slaves, nosotros la ram? luego Cse. .. es come si le filieran a uno 10s higados. All& Cse, pos es uno "greaser," "un mexican," viene uno a d , tse, y quesque uno es "pocho;" me empieza a cuadrar que me llamen "chicane," bato; me cai a toda madre, carnal, siquiera ya es uno, algo, no cualquier greaser o pocho. iQut no? UstC que ha leyido tantos funnys, carnalito, iquC semos Cse?-Bueno. .. pues mtxico-americanos.-Chale, Cse, es pura pinchi madera, la de mexicano domas pa' meterlo al surco, a las minas, nel, pos otra chinga pior. Lo de americanos, pos ya te darh cola, camarada, pa' darnos en la madre en sus pinchis guerras puercas. i 0 quC no, h e ? Peregr'nos de Aztldn 1 Miguel Mtndez-M. The determination of a group label for people of Mexican descent has been a question that has vexed the study of the Mexican descendant population in the United States. Whether in literature, philosophy, or the 0 1987 by Aida Hurtado and Carlos H. Arce VOLUME 17, NO. 1 103 104 AZTLAN 11 106 AZTLAN 108 AZTLAN this country and who are citizens, say that we come 'starving to death'; they don't like us at all. But I know that my husband and I have pure Mexican blood in our veins and not mixed like those persons. .. . 14

Human Biology, 2017

In this study, we evaluated the extent to which regional history has shaped the social identity nomenclature in New Mexicans of Spanish-speaking descent (NMSD). We asked 507 NMSD to list the social-identity terms they used to describe themselves and their parents, and we examined the correspondence between these choices and family ties to the region, birthplace, and continental ancestry. NMSD frequently identified using the regional terms “Nuevomexicano/a” (15%) and “Spanish” (12%). These individuals reported family ties to the region that predate New Mexican statehood. They and their parents were frequently born in New Mexico, frequently chose the other of the two terms as a secondary descriptor, and frequently ascribed one of the two terms to their parents. About 10% of NMSD identified as “Mexican American” and “Mexican.” About 25% of these individuals, and more than half of their parents, were born in Mexico. They also frequently chose the other of the two terms as a secondary descriptor and frequently ascribed one of the two terms to their parents. Compared to NMSD who identified as “Mexican” and “Mexican American,” individuals who identified as “Nuevomexicano/a” and “Spanish” had higher European ancestry and lower Native American and African ancestry. Our results also suggest that the term “Hispanic,” frequently chosen as both a primary and secondary social identity term by NMSD, may, as it continues to rise in prominence, mask more deeply rooted and potential socially relevant aspects of social identity in New Mexico. More broadly, these results indicate that regional history influences social identity nomenclatures in ways that are potentially incompatible with US Office of Management and Budget standards. This incompatibility may adversely affect the ability of researchers in the social sciences to assess the causes of social inequality and health disparities in individuals of Spanish-speaking descent in different regions of the United States. We argue that future studies would benefit from more fine-grained, region-specific analyses of social identity.

Psi Chi Journal of Psychological Research, 2007

Bureau, 2001). The word "Hispanic" refers to individuals of Latin American descent (including Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans, as well as other ethnic groups originating from Central and South America) and has been used interchangeably with the term "Latino." In 2003, Hispanics represented approximately 13% of the total U.S. population and are projected to double in percentage by the year 2050. The dramatic growth of the Hispanic population between the years 1990 to 2000 has resulted in sociodemographic changes and yielded much attention from researchers and policy makers. Studies examining these changes have highlighted the composition of the Latino population, underscoring that Mexican Americans constitute the largest Hispanic subgroup (58%) and that Hispanics in general, are younger compared to the rest of the U.S. population (Marotta & Garcia, 2003). Changes in this population have also included shifts in the trend of ethnic self-identification, with a significant growth of individuals identifying with pan-ethnic labels (e.g., Hispanic/Latino) than with national labels (e.g., Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban; Guzmán and McConnell, 2002). Ethnic iden

iSabes quC? Ora como que apaiio guergiienza, siempre camellando como un pinchi animal, Cse, ustC que ha leyido tantos "comics." iQut semos slaves, nosotros la ram? luego Cse . . . es come si le filieran a uno 10s higados. All& Cse, pos es uno "greaser," "un mexican," viene uno a d , tse, y quesque uno es "pocho;" me empieza a cuadrar que me llamen "chicane," bato; me cai a toda madre, carnal, siquiera ya es uno, algo, no cualquier greaser o pocho. iQut no? UstC que ha leyido tantos funnys, carnalito, iquC semos Cse? -Bueno . . . pues mtxico-americanos.

Aztlán

iSabes quC? Ora como que apaiio guergiienza, siempre camellando como un pinchi animal, Cse, ustC que ha leyido tantos "comics." iQut semos slaves, nosotros la ram? luego Cse. .. es come si le filieran a uno 10s higados. All& Cse, pos es uno "greaser," "un mexican," viene uno a d , tse, y quesque uno es "pocho;" me empieza a cuadrar que me llamen "chicane," bato; me cai a toda madre, carnal, siquiera ya es uno, algo, no cualquier greaser o pocho. iQut no? UstC que ha leyido tantos funnys, carnalito, iquC semos Cse?-Bueno. .. pues mtxico-americanos.-Chale, Cse, es pura pinchi madera, la de mexicano domas pa' meterlo al surco, a las minas, nel, pos otra chinga pior. Lo de americanos, pos ya te darh cola, camarada, pa' darnos en la madre en sus pinchis guerras puercas. i 0 quC no, h e ? Peregr'nos de Aztldn 1 Miguel Mtndez-M. The determination of a group label for people of Mexican descent has been a question that has vexed the study of the Mexican descendant population in the United States. Whether in literature, philosophy, or the 0 1987 by Aida Hurtado and Carlos H. Arce VOLUME 17, NO. 1 103 104 AZTLAN 11 106 AZTLAN 108 AZTLAN this country and who are citizens, say that we come 'starving to death'; they don't like us at all. But I know that my husband and I have pure Mexican blood in our veins and not mixed like those persons. .. . 14

Sociological Perspectives, 2021

Despite different origins, "Hispanic" and "Latino" are often used interchangeably to describe people with Latin American ancestry in the United States. Nevertheless, research consistently finds around half of U.S. Latinos/Hispanics prefer one term over the other. What factors explain these differences and account for no preference at all? Drawing on the 2013 National Survey of Latinos, we find college graduates, non-Mexicans, and first-and second-generation immigrants, and respondents in the western United States have higher relative odds of preferring "Latino" over "Hispanic." Those who identify racially as "Hispanic/Latino" also opt for "Latino," suggesting it is associated with racialization in the U.S. context. Conversely, gender, citizenship status, language use, and political affiliation do not explain specific panethnic label preference. We employ several theoretical approaches to provide insight on these findings, including (neo) colonization and internal colonialism, assimilation and racialization, and consciousness-raising.

Child Development, 2008

iSabes quC? Ora como que apaiio guergiienza, siempre camellando como un pinchi animal, Cse, ustC que ha leyido tantos "comics." iQut semos slaves, nosotros la ram? luego Cse . . . es come si le filieran a uno 10s higados. All& Cse, pos es uno "greaser," "un mexican," viene uno a d , tse, y quesque uno es "pocho;" me empieza a cuadrar que me llamen "chicane," bato; me cai a toda madre, carnal, siquiera ya es uno, algo, no cualquier greaser o pocho. iQut no? UstC que ha leyido tantos funnys, carnalito, iquC semos Cse? -Bueno . . . pues mtxico-americanos.

1974

This paper delineates some basic characteristics of ethnic groups in contemporary American society and develops a typology for defining and classifying ethnic groups which is more consistent with the current characteristics of ethnic groups than many existing definitions and typologies. Several social forces have changed the characteristics and relationships of ethnic groups in the United States since the major concepts and theories related to ethnic groups and ethnicity were formulated, As a result, new concepts and generalizations are needed to adequately describe the characteristics of the "new" ethnicity. The functions served by ethnic group affiliation suggest that there are several ways of classifying ethnic groups and determining the degrees to which various racial and ethnic groups manifest these identified characteristics. Several types Of ethnic groups are identif ied, including cultural, economic. political, eco-political, and holistic. While every American is a member of an ethnic group, the authors conclude that ethnicity manifest itself in diverse forms in modern American life, and that Americans belong to many different kinds of ethnic groups. The degree to which a particular cultural, nationality, or racial group is ethnic varies with a number of social, economic, and political conditions within the society. (Author/JR) * * via the ERIC Document Reproduction Service (EDRS). BDRS is not * responsible for the quality of the original document, Reproductions * * supplied by ?DRS are the best that can be made from the original. *

American Ethnologist, 1983

Although the number of anthropological studies dealing with ethnicity has increased markedly in recent years, these studies contain such a variety of case histories, contexts, perspectives, and ambiguous definitional criteria that it is difficult to isolate a unifying theme in the literature (R. Cohen 1978:379). Some ethnologists even question the usefulness of the concept "ethnicity" as an analytical construct because of its lack of accuracy and explanatory power (Calaty 1982.1 7). The purpose of this paper is to clarify some of the definitional problems and to identify and engage some substantive theoretical issues. I seek t o distinguish different types of interethnic relationships found in the literature and to define and identify their categorical differences through identification of basic independent variables inherent in each type. I then apply this refined taxonomy to the Mexican/Anglo/Mexican American interface. Since ethnicity is essentially a continuous, dynamic process that occurs between two or more ethnic populations, it demands a historical perspective that emphasizes and categorizes relational characteristics. I utilize a historical perspective while concentrating my attention on three sets of binary concepts that have received considerable attention in the literature, but have never been causally interrelated. The first set of binary concepts is that of ingrouploutgroup ethnic ascription (ethnic identity) by two (or more) interacting ethnic populations. The second set is made up of superordinatehubordinate power relations. This set, in turn, is analyzed in relation to the third set, as these occur in the same or different environments. The data generally demonstrate that ethnic identity is value-laden or value-neutral, that it changes over time, and that it covaries with changes in environmental and power relationships. By associating in a fourfold table the variables of symmetric versus asymmetric power relations between two ethnic populations, and the utilization of the same or different environments by these two populations, I propose to show that most interethnic relationships can be categorized ac-This paper focuses on the dynamism inherent in interethnic relationships and proposes an explanatory taxonomy. Three sets of binary variables are utilized: ingrouploutgroup ethnic ascription, s ymmetricias ymmetric power relations, and sameldifferent specialized environments. Four types of interethnic relationships result: complementary, competitive, conflicting, and colonial. This scheme is then used tu analyze the variability of the MexicanlAnglolMexican American interface from a historical perspective. [ethnicity, colonialism, Mexican Americans, conflict-theory, acculturation]