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It is not at all difficult to become afraid of an endless range of things. Just so much as opening the newspaper in the morning will do. A brief glance over the headlines will be sufficient to make you afraid of the food you were planning to eat today, since it will increase your chances of getting cancer; of your neighbor, since he's Muslim and for all you know he might be among that percentage of Muslims in your country who have 'extremist' opinions of some sort, or his son might be an alienated second generation adolescent who is likely to commit all sorts of crime out of sheer frustration; of the streets after dark, since someone in your town has been raped again; of the office where you work, since any of your colleagues might be infected with some new pandemic flu virus; of traveling, since a terrorist has tried to explode a train and there has been a plane crash as well and add that to the yearly death rate caused by traffic accidents. The list can be extended far beyond the limited amount of pages assigned to this paper. The function of the information offered to us by the media seems to be not just to inform us, but also to make us aware of the things we should worry about, of the risks we face.
Global Society, 2007
The contemporary Western preoccupation with risk assessment is profound. However, this does not mean that the concept of risk is a useful theoretical tool for understanding contemporary society in general. The talk of a risk society is part of a tendency to take risk as an all-embracing category with little attention paid either to the distinction between abstract risk and risk assessment, or to different formations of risk in time and place. We argue that a fundamental shift in the communication of risk has also emerged, particularly in the context of the war on terror. Most of the classical risk com-munication literature is concerned with persuading people that the authorities or com-panies have the expertise to take care of some problem: “there is a risk”, it says, “we can never manage it completely, but be reassured that we are taking care of it on your behalf”. With the emergence of the war on terror, a number of changes have occurred. Govern-ments in the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia and elsewhere stress the novelty and radical emergence of terrorism-as-risk, in part by ignoring history and con-centrating on the symptoms to maintain a continuing sense of danger. Second, the prior emphasis on experts and expert systems for generating risk assessment is being actively undermined by ideologues. These changes represent a disturbing shift from the dominance of the Enlightenment idea of trusting in science and knowledge to accepting a post-Enlightenment idea that authority and ideology are all that can ever underpin the assessment of abstract risk, particularly in the case of terrorism.
Science of Societal Safety, 2018
We plan our safety measures under economic, personnel and time constraints. The extent of how far we take these measures depends on our acknowledgement of risk of whether we "stop because it is risky" or we "cannot stop because of its benefits despite its risks". This chapter discusses our risk recognition and concerns about mass media that strongly affect our risk recognition. It also overviews differences in risk evaluation about natural disasters and social disasters. Keywords Disaster frequency • Mass media • Risk assessment • Risk recognition • Vulnerability approach 3.1 How People Cope with Risks in Contemporary Societies 3.1.1 Risk Perception by Human Advancement of scientific technologies has given a great number of convenience and benefits to human. The power, however, that scientific technologies produce is far greater than what we, a mere biological being, are born with. We thus started to have anxiety against risks associated with scientific technologies going out of our control. In fact, the 2010 Gulf of Mexico oil spill and the 2011 Tokyo Electric Power Company's Fukushima Daiichi NPP accident, although such events are rare, had us experience the great dangers and damages that accompany the introduction of scientific technologies. ISO defined risk as "effect of uncertainty" (ISO 2009). Risk perception is about acknowledging future dangers with uncertainty in whether they will actually take place or not and, at the same time, acknowledging future benefits with uncertainty in whether they can be gained or not.
This course explores the interactive subjective, moral, social, and embodied dimensions of the experience and production of fear in its various expressions, including risk. Fear and risk are examined in relation to various topics and perspectives including social conformity, emotion management, emotional socialization, structures of feeling, rhetoric, social movements, risk society, governmentality, subjectivity, otherness, and pleasure. Students will become familiarized with and acquire a meaningful understanding of basic concepts and debates in the field and will cultivate their reading, speaking and essay-writing skills. While the course focuses on understanding the dynamics of fear and risk in contemporary North American and more generally Western culture, insights into its dynamics in other historical periods and cultural contexts are welcome.
Risk itself can readily be construed as the sum of the likelihood of the occurrence of a hazardous event times the severity of the mortality, morbidity or property loss that can be caused by the event or exposure. As such, it would seem likely that humans, as rational entities, could calculate the likelihood of risks from various threats, compare those risks, and rationally choose between such options as energy sources, the risks of vaccination versus a lack of vaccination, and the like without difficulty; yet it is clear that a variety of rational pathologies accompany such decisions. One such pathology is dread risk, defined by Slovic as "perceived lack of control, dread, catastrophic potential, fatal consequences, and the inequitable distribution of risks and benefits." Such risks include nuclear meltdown, risk of Ebola, and other unfamiliar, low-probabilty, and catastrophic risks. Here, I discuss the role of media in the formation of dread risk perceptions, and the uti...
Social Science Research Network, 2006
The only thing we have to fear is the 'culture of fear' itself NEW ESSAY: How human thought and action are being stifled by a regime of uncertainty. Frank Furedi Fear plays a key role in twenty-first century consciousness. Increasingly, we seem to engage with various issues through a narrative of fear. You could see this trend emerging and taking hold in the last century, which was frequently described as an 'Age of Anxiety' (1). But in recent decades, it has become more and better defined, as specific fears have been cultivated. The rise of catchphrases such as the 'politics of fear', 'fear of crime' and 'fear of the future' is testimony to the cultural significance of fear today. Many of us seem to make sense of our experiences through the narrative of fear. Fear is not simply associated with high-profile catastrophic threats such as terrorist attacks, global warming, AIDS or a potential flu pandemic; rather, as many academics have pointed out, there are also the 'quiet fears' of everyday life. According to Phil Hubbard, in his 2003 essay 'Fear and loathing at the multiplex: everyday anxiety in the post-industrial city', ambient fear 'saturates the social spaces of everyday life' (2). Brian Massumi echoes this view with his concept of 'low-grade fear' (3). In recent years, questions about fear and anxiety have been raised in relation to a wide variety of issues: the ascendancy of risk consciousness (4), fear of the urban environment (5), fear of crime (6), fear of the Other (7), the amplification of fear through the media (8), fear as a distinct discourse (9), the impact of fear on law (10), the relationship between fear and politics (11), fear as a 'culture' (12), and the question of whether fear constitutes a 'distinctive cultural form' (13). Fear is often examined in relation to specific issues; it is rarely considered as a sociological problem in its own right. As Elemer Hankiss argues, the role of fear is 'much neglected in the social sciences'. He says that fear has received 'serious attention in philosophy, theology and psychiatry, less in anthropology and social psychology, and least of all in sociology' (14). This under-theorisation of fear can be seen in the ever-expanding literature on risk. Though sometimes used as a synonym for risk, fear is treated as an afterthought in today's risk literature; the focus tends to remain on risk theory rather than on an interrogation of fear itself. Indeed, in sociological debate fear seems to have become the invisible companion to debates about risk. And yet, it is widely acknowledged by risk theorists that fear and risk are closely related. As Deborah Lupton notes in her 1999 book Risk, risk 'has come to stand as one of the focal points of feelings of fear, anxiety and uncertainty' (15). Stanley Cohen makes a similar point in Folk Devils and Moral Panics, published in 2002, where he argues that 'reflections on risk are now absorbed into a wider culture of insecurity, victimization and fear' (16). A study of New Labour's economic policies argues that they are couched in the 'language of change, fear and risk' (17).
Risk …
The Social Amplification of Risk: A Conceptual Framework Roger E. Kasperson -> Ormin Renn ♦ Paul Slovic Haltna S. Brown * J acque Etnei ♦ Robert Goble ^ Jeanne X. Kasperson ♦ Samuel Ratick 1. RISK IN MODERN SOCIETY The investigation of risks is at once a sci- entific ...
Public Understanding of Science, 2009
Two comparative book reviews. Daniel Gardner, Risk: The Science and Politics of Fear (London:9780670917013. £18.98 (hbk) published in the USA as The Science of Fear: Why we Fear the THings We Shouldn't--And Put Ourselves in Grave Danger (NY: Dutton, 2008. 352 pp. ISBN 9780525950622) and Simon Briscoe and Hugh Aldersey-Williams, Panicology: What Are You Afraid Of? Two Statisticians Explain What's Worth Worrying About (and What's Not) in the 21st Century. London: Viking Pneguin. 2008). 304 pp. ISBN 9780670917013. £18.98 (hbk).
Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 1989
Indoor Air
Risks seem to dominate our perception of daily life. Risks are discussed that result from climate change, pesticides and other contaminants in food, electromagnetic fields, infrasound, living near animal confinement plants, exposure to ultrafine particles, endocrine disruptors in toys, and, of course, risks in the context of the indoor environment. This list is not exhaustive and could easily be extended. Indeed, many people are worried about these risks and look for information and orientation. Risk is a term with a widespread use in public discussions and in the public media. The increased presence of environmental and health topics in the public perception is at least partly attributable to the increased occurrence of these topics in the public media. 1-3 Studies give evidence that permanent presence of information on environment-related dis
Current Sociology, 2019
In the last 30 years, the relevance of risk for social actors and societies has been coupled with a growing academic debate extending across disciplines and practical fields. In the sociological literature, however, risk remains a concept with a disputed and overly comprehensive meaning. To overcome the conceptual stretching of risk, this article suggests a conceptualization which intends not only to better specify what risk is but also to distinguish it from what it is not. Building on the principal theories and on recent research, the authors propose integrating into the conceptualization of risk not only the element of agency, which allows us to distinguish between risk and danger, but also the intentionality of social actors in the production of risks, which introduces the distinction between risk and threat. While risks are attributable to positive human intention, so that potential harm is an unintended side effect in the production of benefits, threats are attributable to ill-intentioned actors, deliberately acting to cause damage to others. Illustrating their position with concrete examples, related to health, migration, terrorism and other domains, the authors argue that such a distinction may shed light on why threats are more likely than risks to gain public attention and to mobilize people and institutions to face them. The article suggests that a tripartite typology of dangers, risk and threats may be of relevance for sociological theory and research on risk and uncertainty.
Environment International, 1984
Technological progress and its impacts on humankind has caused an increasing awareness of risk, and objective, statistical estimations are often inadequate to alleviate the public's fright and fear. Research on risk perception using psychological and sociological approaches is trying to bridge this gap. As a first step, a distinction must be made between the technical definition of risk (probability x consequences) and the social definition, in which additional parameters (source, dimensions, timeframe, exposure) need to be included. The methodology of risk assessment, though objective by design, is limited in the interpretability of its results, if the calculation of consequences does not take public perceptions and social effects into account. The problems and advantages of risk assessment are discussed, and the key question for risk perception research are presented. Various techniques are available to study risk perception and attitudes towards risk; selection of a specific technique is determined by the objective of the research, namely sociological implications or psychological cognitions. Several empirical studies in both areas are presented and the results discussed.
2007
The precautionary principle is a juridical version of the common sense notion of "better safe than sorry". It may well be the most innovative and noteworthy new concept in environmental policy over the last twenty years, but I would also say it may well be one of the most dangerous, irresponsible and arbitrary guiding rules. It was first adopted in environmental law but has now spread to other areas and the European Commission states; "[..] in practice, its scope is much wider [..]" The purpose of this paper is to show the dangers of imposing the principle on other areas such as the areas of terrorism and immigration. The alternative costs of applying the principle are derogation of civil liberties, retrenchment of human rights, staggering democratic procedures, loss of lives and important technology and false security. Most importantly, however, is the cost of anxiety in society. We are now moving from a risk society to an anxiety society via the precautionary principle. The thesis will show how the precautionary principle, anxiety, risk perception and worst-case scenario are all linked together.
Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, 2010
Undoubtedly, the fear can be seen a grounding emotion broadly studied by psychology, sociology and anthropology for many years. Every end of millennium represents for human beings a new embodiment of their beliefs, their production, forms of consumption and even their hierarchical lines of authority. As privileged witnesses of the starting of a new millennium, one might realize how the sentiment of unprotection has been disseminated as a virus world-wide. Ranging from appalling events such as 11/09 towards the Swine Flu recently appeared in Mexico, the perception of lay-people of what is or not dangerous seem to be changed for-ever. Under such a context, the present theoretical manuscript explores the connection of risk and fear at the time it delves into the main contributions and limitations of . From different angles, every-one of cited scholars will give to reader an insight view of the role played by risk and fear in our modern society.
University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 2003
for very helpful written comments, to Dan Kessler for equally helpful conversation, and to the participants in a University of Pennsylvania Law School ad hoc workshop and the Symposium on Preferences and Rational Choice for their stimulating discussion. See Steve Kroll-Smith et al., Introduction: Environments and Diseases in a Postnatural World, in ILLNESS AND THE ENVIRONMENT: A READER IN CONTESTED MEDICINE 1, 3 (Steve Kroll-Smith et al. eds., 2000) ("[O]f the twenty-two countries surveyed [all] reported substantial increases from 1982 to 1992 in the number of people who believed their bodies were at risk from environmentally induced illnesses." (citing RILEY E. DUNLAP ET AL., THE HEALTH OF THE PLANET SURVEY 10 tbl.3 (1992))).
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