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2017, Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies
AI
The Peirce School of Business Administration, established in 1865, played a crucial role during World War I by adapting its programs and marketing strategies in response to the changing socioeconomic landscape. Initially catering to returning veterans and elite families, the school aligned closely with the Preparedness Movement, promoting patriotic sentiments while shifting focus to train women and noncombatants in management and accounting. This strategic pivot aimed to maintain enrollment and relevance amidst the war, thereby reinforcing its ties with the business community and ensuring its sustainability.
Political Geography
The National Security League was an elite private lobbying group in the World War I preparedness movement in the United States. Its educational wing was a group consisting mostly of college professors called the Committee on Patriotism through Education, which sought to use education to promote a militaristic brand of patriotism. This paper adds to our knowledge of the geopolitics of the period by critically reviewing the Committee's propaganda efforts, as organized into its Patriotism through Education Series. More importantly, this paper theorizes this propaganda by engaging with two literatures that seldom cross paths: emerging interest in intimacy-geopolitics and Gramsci's concept of war of position. Intimacy-geopolitics is used to highlight the performative edge of war propaganda, as it directs desire and affect to toward geopolitical visions which accord with elite visions of the good life. Intimacy-geopolitics as an analytical framework helps connect affect and war in a way that avoids scalar hierarchies of violence. The Committee deliberately sought to direct emotion toward militaristic ends, and saw teachers as foot soldiers in that effort. Understanding how war propaganda works through affect, that is, how it positions country as an object of affection, also qualifies and dovetails with an understanding of war propaganda as elemental to the Gramscian war of position. Quite apart from accusations of war-profiteering, elite manipulation of desire and affect toward the war effort also worked to obfuscate class interest in favor of gender and other social roles.
History of Education, 2016
2014
Evidence found in The New York Times from 1939 to 1945 and corroborating sources are used to demonstrate the impact of the Second World War on the progressive educational movement. We posit that December 7, 1941 initiated the waning of the progressive education movement in the secondary social studies curriculum. Progressive education emphasized a child-centered, experiential curriculum, an issues-centered approach to learning, and a critical analysis of society. Our findings indicate that the educational climate during the Second World War initiated a shift from questioning American institutions to celebrating them. Education became more centralized and many educational organizations were mobilized to support the war effort. Specifically, the secondary social studies curriculum became one of several propaganda vehicles in support of the war. In addition, colleges and universities became training grounds for teachers, defense workers, and soldiers. A war on the home front ensued. Th...
American Journal of Education, 2005
The Journal of Social Studies Research, 2014
Evidence found in The New York Times from 1939 to 1945 and corroborating sources are used to demonstrate the impact of the Second World War on the progressive educational movement. We posit that December 7, 1941 initiated the waning of the progressive education movement in the secondary social studies curriculum. Progressive education emphasized a child-centered, experiential curriculum, an issues-centered approach to learning, and a critical analysis of society. Our findings indicate that the educational climate during the Second World War initiated a shift from questioning American institutions to celebrating them. Education became more centralized and many educational organizations were mobilized to support the war effort. Specifically, the secondary social studies curriculum became one of several propaganda vehicles in support of the war. In addition, colleges and universities became training grounds for teachers, defense workers, and soldiers. A war on the home front ensued. The progressive secondary social studies curriculum itself was viewed as placing the nation at risk. While other factors such as the Back-to-Basics movement and the Cold War contributed to the waning of the secondary progressive educational movement, World War Two (WWII) set the decline in motion.
American Literature 82.3, 2010
In the summer of 1917, Americans began preparations to enter the European War. Cantonments and camps sprang up around the country, making doughboys out of farm hands, clerks, factory workers and college students. The "Spirit of 1776" was utilized by Americans, but none more so than the 26th "Yankee Division" of which the 102nd Regiment, based in New Haven, Connecticut was part, to unite town and gown in wartime preparations. This paper examines the regional and local revival of the Spirit of 1776 in 1917 to unite town and gown, identifying the use of monuments and sites of significance to do this work. The paper concludes by noting the breakdown of the Spirit of '76, during the "Red Scare" or Summer of 1919, when the doughboys return to the Elm City.
Vox Clamantis, 1917
Ku Hungming critised how the degenerated form of modern European Education, and especially and narrow-minded patriotism instructed by European schools that promoted national interests without a sense of right and wrong, had been the major cause of the first world war and chaos in the modern world. Ku compared also the difference between classical Confucian idea of educastion and modern European education.
2012
Center: War poster encourages participation in civil defense efforts and shows family prepared for work. Foreword On October 24, 2000, Congress directed the Secretary of the Interior to conduct a theme study of the World War II home front. 1 The purpose of the study is to identify historic places that best represent the wartime mobilization that occurred in the United States and its territories and possessions between 1939 and 1945 to assist in identifying whether any of these places should be considered for potential inclusion in the National Park System. The task of identifying places that can tell the home front story is a challenging one. Thousands of factories, government office buildings, research laboratories, housing projects, military bases, United Service Organization (USO) canteens, day care centers, and schools were built or expanded during the war. Theaters in hundreds of communities across the nation sponsored War Bond drives and showed both terrifying news reels and u...
Trinity Tripod, 2025
When the armistice that ended World War I took effect on November 11, 1918, there were many alumni of Connecticut’s Trinity College among the two million doughboys in France. Not enough shipping meant many of them remained in France for several months. Some served in the Army of Occupation in the Rhineland, and others witnessed the tumult and disorder in Eastern Europe after the collapse of the German, Austro-Hungarian, and Russian empires.
1963
Papers 2!. Henry Churchill King, wss a great timesaver in locating the relevant docu;uents. Of lesser importance in ,ascerning attitudeS "ere the class letters and the annual reports and minute'~ of various organizations. For the thought of the times. I ga~red material from nearly every source. Henry Churchill King left behind extensive material in the form of addresses and letters. Edward Increase Ilosworth's writing and his biographY by llrnest Pye provided much insight into his thought concerning the war. !2=. Review editorials. lette.rs to the ®ditor. articles in the Alumni ~1af,azine" and the ,.rritings of Devere Allen provided additional material. l>11th So much dsta available it would se.em B>'lE'}' to construct a well substantiated story. On the factual level this seems to have been the case. But on the level of motives. attitudes. and other such Bubjective considerations, the case is not so conclusive. ~ Review, though a<:curately reportin~ the events of campus life, ms.y not present a true, l~ell-rounded picture of "campus life." As!!!!:. Revielw""S. of toduy show, it is hafd to capt'lre prevailing moods, much less the diversity of opinion, in a newspaper. ITow much weigh!: can you pla~e upon testimony given by pe~ple after ne~~ly a fifty year lapse of ti.me7 What do individual comments show besides the opinions of isolated individuals? In the end, what can an historian validly say about such elusi".'e. subjective matters? In considering these questions ! have examined the data carefully and feel that there was a general conalmsus concerning the mood of the campus, 1'lilere consensus seemed evident I ventured a generality. 1;'here these opinions did not fit into a pattern, I had to leave them as individual comments. Though, to a degree, I feel I have recreated the life of a segment
Journal of American History 102 (2015): 463-499.
April 2017 will mark the one hundredth anniversary of American entrance into World War I. The centennial is an apt moment to reconsider how this global conflict affected the history of the United States and how American participation in the war impacted the world. In October 2014, nine leading historians of World War I engaged in an online discussion of the American wartime experience and its legacies down to the present day. Participants attempted to synthesize the academic literature on the war and point to promising new areas of inquiry. They also examined the perplexing question of why World War I continues to occupy a more prominent place in the scholarly rather than popular imagination—and discussed the ways academic historians can cultivate a broader public appreciation for the war’s lasting effect on American society. What follows is an edited version of the dynamic conversation that resulted.
Trinity Tripod, 2025
During the First World War, many alumni of Connecticut's Trinity College served -- in the U.S. and in France -- with the American Red Cross, the YMCA, or other service organizations. Red Cross personnel were mostly physicians, chaplains, ambulance drivers, or other medical staff. The YMCA's people provided support and "welfare" -- rest and recreation programs, overseas entertainment, troop education, canteens and exchanges, "huts," and worked with prisoners of war. The YMCA fielded many chaplains too.
Journal of Contemporary History, 1996
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The Economics of World War I, 2005
The process by which the US economy was mobilized during World War I was the subject of considerable criticism both at the time and since. Nevertheless, when viewed in the aggregate the degree of mobilization achieved during the short period of active US involvement was remarkable. The United States entered the war in 1917 having made only limited preparations. In 1918 the armed forces were expanded to include 2.9 million sailors, soldiers, and marines; 6 percent of the labor force in the 15 to 44 age bracket. Overall in 1918, one fifth or more of the nation's resources was devoted to the war effort. By the time the Armistice was signed in 1919 a profusion of new weapons was flowing from American factories. This essay describes how mobilization was achieved so quickly, including how it was financed, and some of the long-term consequences.
2008
Lengthy visits to the archives at the College of William and Mary and the University of Virginia yielded a wealth of information concerning the functioning of the SATC at those two schools. Documents from the National Archives provided depth and filled in many gaps concerning the program, particularly from the perspective of the War Department staff responsible for developing training across the Army.
Yearbook of German-American Studies
In contrast to the First World War and its aftermath, when everything German was maligned, if not prohibited by laws, the United States' entry into the Second World War did not provoke widespread anti-German hysteria. By 1942, however, it had become evident that the radical decrease in German language instruction after 1917 had caused a dire shortage of fluent German speakers in the United States-except for the anti-fascist refugees from Central Europe. Hence, the title "Cloaks and Gowns" refers to the fact that the exiled intelleauals' intelligence and other aaivities for the war effort eventually secured their American citizenship.' With regard to the exiled social scientists, Bradley Smith has argued that their successful intelligence aaivities smoothed their path into the American universities, since, as Jews, most of them would not have had a chance to pursue an academic career. On the contrary, it seems that most universities were even willing to overlook their leftist orientation.^ To some degree, Bradley's observation also holds true for some refugee Germanists within American academia. Prompted by the apparent lack of fluent German speakers, the War Department wrote a letter to W. Freeman Twaddell, head of the largest American German department at the University of Wisconsin to request courses which would train young soldiers to become orally proficient in German while simultaneously familiarizing them with German culture. Upon completion of these courses, which were regarded as part of their military training, soldiers were expeaed to be fluent enough to a a as interpreters. Even though the War Department did not propose a concrete curriculum, it did suggest guidelines for German departments all over the country which led Twaddell to publish the letter.' Following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, fifty-five American colleges and universities admitted military personnel to ensure that they receive appropriate linguistic and cultural training. Thus, the "Army Specialized Training Program" (ASTP) and similar military language programs became a sheet anchor for many a language department's dwindling enrollments. Instruaors of such diverse subjea areas as geography, geology, history, political science, engineering, philosophy, and economics collaborated'-in the spirit of
History of Education Quarterly (2013)
During the First World War and the 1920s, the Junior division of the American Red Cross played a leading role in bringing international education programs into American classrooms. Beginning in 1917, Junior Red Cross (JRC) leaders forged partnerships with thousands of schools across the country. Each month during the war and its immediate aftermath, the JRC sent teachers ideas for collecting relief supplies and raising money for Europe, activities meant to teach American children that they had global responsibilities. In the early 1920s, JRC leaders redesigned their approach. Hoping to shape a generation less insular and more cosmopolitan than their parents, they eschewed relief in favor of activities intended to foster international exchange and develop better world relations. While the JRC’s international education projects won wide support in 1917 and 1918, thanks in large part to a climate of wartime obligation, its peace program encountered resistance. Skeptical of allowing outside organizations to shape the curriculum, many schools turned against JRC leaders’ attempts to make their international education program permanent. Even at its nadir, however, the JRC curriculum reached more than 4,000,000 pupils per month. Enormously influential, the JRC’s work warrants consideration for what it suggests about international education and the relationship of voluntary associations to U.S. schools in the early twentieth century.
Archives and Manuscripts, 2015
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