Creativity and its limits in the approaches to Brexit

Juncture, 2017

International Journal of Cultural Policy, 2010

OPINION Northern Ireland faces a number of acute challenges that threaten democratic accountability, accentuate border politics and emphasise the political fragility of the region. First, the risks of Brexit to Northern Ireland are unique and disproportionate to those for any other region or nation in the UK. Second, in addition to the profound challenges posed by leaving the European Union, local politics has exposed the frailty of political power-sharing in Northern Ireland. In analysis of these two divisive contexts, this article assesses the implications for the election contest held on 2 March 2017, and explores the ways in which Brexit offers distinctive considerations and challenges for the only part of the UK sharing a land border with the EU-27. These include consequences for the border, economic implications, citizenship rights, the impact on political stability and the peace process. At this point everything is both possible and impossible. The prospect of maintaining a 'frictionless and seamless' border, in Theresa May's words, appears out of reach and unrealistic. The British prime minister's earlier commitment to a Brexit that would have no impact on the border in Ireland is now adrift. Currently, there is a lack of leadership offering a way out of Northern Ireland's current political impasse and driving negotiation objectives in relation to Brexit. Making up 3 per cent of the UK's population and 2 per cent of its economic output, it is unlikely that Northern Ireland will naturally fall at the top of the government's Brexit checklist. The unique nature of the challenges posed by leaving the EU requires political leaders to come together from across the spectrum and place Northern Ireland before the deeply embedded fault lines of nationalism or unionism.

European Planning Studies, 2015

The intertwining of economic crises and political violence has been an ongoing narrative for Northern Ireland over the past four decades. However with the end of 'The Troubles' and the transition to what has been termed a 'post-conflict' society (i.e. one in which the violence has largely ceased but its legacy remains) what is an appropriate agenda for economic development? To this end we consider the current context in Northern Ireland in terms of diversity and inclusion, and the implications therein of current policies. The geography of creative individuals within Northern Ireland is reviewed, and found to be particularly polarised within Belfast. That the highest areas of present deprivation are typically found in those most effected by past conflict suggests failures of policy since the 'Good Friday' Agreement of 1998. If economic growth comes with tolerance and diversity, then all stakeholders must address these issues. Northern Ireland should not be seen as a 'normal' lagging region nor one into which a standard neoliberal development agenda can be transplanted free of context. At present, social cohesion appears to be regarded as an outcome of economic prosperity rather than a factor that might actually drive it.

Journal of Cultural Management and Cultural Policy, 2020

Imagine instead that a concept, such as creativity, is used haphazardly by researchers, policymakers, cultural workers, entrepreneurs, the media, and the lay public, with little acknowledgement that it can mean wildly different things to different people in different contexts, and therefore with different, and unanticipated outcomes. Further, that the slipperiness of the term may advantage some groups and individuals over others.This interview with two cultural policy scholars explores the politics of creativity in the context of Creative Cities. I use the term ‘uncontrolled equivocation’ as a beginning point for thinking about creativity’s role in contemporary policy and politics, where there is little or no translation – meaning, little effort to structure compatibility around the use of the expression, especially as a modifier to ‘industries,’ ‘development,’ ‘sector,’ ‘workers,’ and other such terms.

This policy paper is part of an extended research project examining the impact upon Northern Ireland of the UK’s changing relationship with Europe. With October 2017 witnessing the beginning of consideration of amendments to the EU Withdrawal Bill and the culmination of efforts to address aspects of Brexit affecting the island of Ireland in Phase 1 of the UK’s withdrawal negotiations this paper is intended to focus on some of the emerging issues for Northern Ireland as the contours of Brexit become increasingly defined.

europressresearch.eu

Europe in the making as seen through its press EDITORIAL by Paolo Pombeni ________________________________________________________________________________ www.europressresearch.com

2019

In common logic, Brexit is foremost about the failings of metropolitan London-politics, media, the public sphere-to deal with the British Isles' geographical position on the northwestern edge of the European continent. 'Splendid isolation', for a couple of centuries the mantra of Britain's unique greatness, was cashed in for economic rationality when the UK joined the then EC in 1973. Europe, for British politics, for British sentiment, has always been a symbol for decline, for second-best, for having to face the fact that Britain cannot go it alone any more. Hence, almost zero political capital can be gained from the European cause, it has always been a decision of necessity rather than choice. Brexit, as we all know, is about supposedly reviving that 'splendid isolation' within a globally connected world, where British know-how, canniness, and can-do pragmatism will see it through, away from incessant, Franco-German 'administrative und rechtliche Regelungen'.

2017

The EU brought invaluable networks for research and collaboration to the UK. More than that, it fostered a shared democratic culture of openness and tolerance. But these links will have to change as Britain pursues a hard Brexit. Time is short, write Anne Corbett (left) and Claire Gordon, and universities need to make the case for an ‘Intelligent Brexit’ that will preserve the links fostered during 40 years of peaceful collaboration.

2022