Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
AI
This paper explores the intricate relationship between terrorism, mass incarceration, and governmental responses, particularly in the US context. It examines the implications of international treaties against torture and discrimination, highlighting the contradictions within US law that allow for human rights violations under the guise of national security. The discussion includes the moral dilemmas of torture, the prison industrial complex, and the social ramifications of over-policing, drawing upon the historical context of American exceptionalism and its impact on international law.
The goal of this paper is to examine the relationship between terrorism and mass incarceration and the government responses to both. Internationally there are treaties against torture and discrimination, yet these acts are violated around the world. Torture is a practice used in investigations and carried out by federal government officials in crimes concerning the threat of terrorism to national security. The fact that the prison population is heavily concentrated by African American’s and the social control and brutality that results from over policing makes it is tough to separate the concept of prison and discrimination. In both of these acts by international standards human rights are being violated, but by America’s account it remains within the bounds of the Constitution. After WW2, The United States of America became a global superpower and played a significant role in Establishing the UN and NATO. The US also sits on the Security Council and makes sizable contributions to the annual United Nations budget. Both the Convention against Torture and the Convention Against Racial Discrimination are in accordance with the UN’s principles of equal and inalienable human rights. This entitles everyone to freedom and justice. In the context of US Law, it is debated on whether the US should adhere to the provision in all UN treaties. The scholars that argue in favor believe that these treaties promote the values that already exist within US Law. Opponents argue that the norms created by these treaties can have negative affects on matters that are traditionally left to the State legislatures. 1 This paper will examine how The Unites State of America operates within this context internationally. Next it will examine legal perspectives on torture, the moral significance of terrorism and the US response of torture. Last this paper will look at the relationship between torture and mass incarceration, asking whether these institutions are necessary evils of society or if these acts that are institutionalized by the government, violate international conventions or international law. The paper will then explain, the industrial prison complex, mass incarceration and the notion of “the New Jim Crow” in context of crimes against humanity?
This article will examine the role the Unites States of America plays in breaching international treaties and customary international laws that prohibit the crime of torture. The article will consider the theoretical issues behind torture. The article also considers the issue of necessity as a justification, examining its utilitarian nature and the ticking time bomb hypothetical. The writer then turns to setting out the international regime for the prohibition on torture and relevant domestic law of the United States. The focus then turns on the use of torture in the ‘war on terror,’ before analysing the legal arguments and justifications used by the United States in its re-interpretation of the prohibition on torture in customary international law, the 1984 UN Torture Convention, 1966 UN Covenant and 1949 Geneva Conventions. The section covers arguments related to the legal status of American soldiers on foreign soil, the status of Guantanamo Bay and prisoner of war classification. The argument of reduced culpability based on the defence of necessity is considered before an examination of the consequences on international law and the prohibition on torture.
Global Security and Intelligence Studies, 2015
2005
Title: Torture, terrorism and the rule of law in International security and cooperation Part I covers the vulnerability of the rule of law in the fight against international terrorism: demonstrated by the Al Masri / CIA case and equivocal US administration´s positions on the use of torture:International security and the rule of law in turmoil ? Part II discusses the World security situation , global World order after the Sept. 11 attacks and after the US-led wars against Afghanistan and the Iraq and the impact on the United Nations´, NATO´s and the European Union´s role in international security and cooperation: The torture issue in the fight against AL Qaeda generated terrorism does increase global risks and new risks to Europe´s security situation. Dilemma problems of collective international security policy if credibility of western values is at stake by violations of human rights in the fight against terrorism ; revival of the nation state in strategic doctrine and foreign polic...
Torture is absolutely prohibited and constitutes one of the core crimes under international law. There is a substantial body of sociolegal literature that addresses torture's illegality. But this article tackles the question "does torture work?" The analysis locates the practice of torture in historical and global perspective, accommodating but not constrained by post-9/11 scholarship on American torture. The titular question is treated more critically and comprehensively than a narrowly construed focus on the value and veracity of utterances produced as a result of pain and suffering. Drawing on scholarship from a variety of fields, the article addresses how torture works (i.e., why it has been used and its effects) in order to highlight the role of torture in the mutually constitutive histories of law-state-society relations. The final section uses the American case to offer conclusions about the efficacy and effects of torture. 311 Annu. Rev. Law. Soc. Sci. 2009.5:311-345. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org by Lisa Hajjar on 03/22/11. For personal use only.
2009
Ticking Bomb scenarios are challenged by many detractors who dismiss the scenarios as unrealistic, even a fantasy that governments and others use to justify torture. This paper argues that Ticking Bomb scenarios cannot be dismissed so easily, and that the justification or otherwise of torture requires a much more fundamental exploration of what it means to be part of a civil and moral society. External parties who condone torture (lite or standard versions) outright, those who provide a ready vehicle for torture by the practice of ‗extraordinary rendition', and those who turn a blind eye to torture are all complicit in the act of torture. It is not beyond the realms of possibility that some information obtained by torture is accurate, timely and useful, but this still challenges the morality of torture itself. The practice of torture encourages reciprocity, undermines credibility, martyrises the tortured, and damages the fundamental integrity of both democratic and authoritarian states alike. There will be a cost in human lives, perhaps many human lives, if one takes the position that torture is unacceptable under any circumstances, but good and decent humanity is not so frail that it cannot recover from the evil realities of the ticking bomb.
Trabajo Social Global-Global Social Work, 2018
A fines de los años sesenta y principios de los setenta, la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos sufrieron golpes de Estado e intervenciones militares en asuntos gubernamentales. En Chile, el golpe militar de 1973 estableció un régimen militar que duró diecisiete años, de 1973 a 1990. Como resultado de la dictadura militar, miles de personas murieron, desaparecieron y/o fueron torturadas. Este estudio examina la influencia del marco institucional sobre la ocurrencia de torturas y el comportamiento de los torturadores. Los autores de torturas son la principal fuente de información. Se realizaron entrevistas en profundidad con militares chilenos y policías que estuvieron activos durante el régimen militar, se analizaron informes nacionales y expedientes judiciales. El estudio analiza las realidades que enfrentó un grupo de individuos durante el régimen militar y examina las formas en que los participantes intentaron manejar el comportamiento criminal mientras eran alentados por e...
Why does torture persist despite its prohibition? Scholars, policymakers, and the public have heavily debated this topic in the past decade. Yet, many puzzles remain about the practice of torture. Scholarship on torture spans academic disciplines, which adds diversity in perspectives brought to these questions but also can lead to redundancy and stunted progress in research on the issue as a whole. This article assesses the state of the multidisciplinary literature on torture in counterterrorism with specific focus on why democracies torture despite prohibiting it, how public perception of torture is malleable, and why so few countries are able to move from commitment to compliance in the prohibition of torture. In each section, the article also identifies underexplored areas in the research and suggests avenues for future investigation.
This paper assesses the return, and even embrace in the United States of torture in the 21st century. It begins by confronting the striking polling results over the past few years which indicate torture's increased popularity in the United States. In particular, the chapter assesses what accounts for the increased popularity of torture as time passes from the iconic terrorist attacks of 9/11. Both the insecurity, and the move towards and embrace of torture can be understood via the same processes of images and imagination. Thus, the chapter concludes with some suggestions about the ethical traditions and political strategies that may challenge popular perceptions of torture's efficacy and legitimacy
Human Rights Quarterly, 2017
The use of torture in the War on Terror reinvigorated a longstanding debate about how to prevent such human rights violations, and whether they should be criminalized. Using US history as a case study, this article argues that the criminal sanction is likely to be more successful in preventing such abuses than many other often suggested methods. Analyzing thousands of pages of released government documents as an archive leads to the counterintuitive finding that torturers were often deterred, at least momentarily, by fear of criminal liability, and would have been successfully deterred if not for the lack of prior prosecutions.
Though inarguably condemned in practice, the practice of torture conducted by state entities remains a common narrative in the human rights discourse. Though commonplace worldwide, such practices have been immensely surfaced since the tragic events that took place 11 September 2001, with numerous states such as the US, deliberately normalizing torture as one of the essential means taken to gather counterterrorism-related intelligences. The resurface of enhanced interrogation techniques reflects ambiguities of how this has come to be, despite the conspicuous human rights regimes illegalizing such barbaric practices, and the familiarity of the US echo of civil rights protection globally. Thus such fundamental concerns above raises the question of how the US throughout the years, normalized torture practices under the deliberately constructed lawless age of ‘War on Terror.’ It argues of the purposive assembling of terrorism classification as essentially distinct compared to numerous types of combatants present historically and in the status quo, thus shaping the entitlement of an inhumane status, unbound nor limited from existing International laws. It further argues of the general weaknesses of existing human rights regimes in limiting state practices in the lawless age of terror, reflecting the human rights regime’s inability to exert power and reflecting the prevalence of torture-backed politic
Notre Dame journal of law, ethics & public policy
2014
This volume brings together the most important writing on torture and the "war on terrorism" by one of the leading US voices in the torture debate. Philosopher and legal ethicist David Luban reflects on this contentious topic in a powerful sequence of essays including two new and previously unpublished pieces. He analyzes the trade-offs between security and human rights, as well as the connection between torture, humiliation, and human dignity; the fallacy of using ticking-bomb scenarios in debates about torture; and the ethics of government lawyers. The book develops an illuminating and novel conception of torture as the use of pain and suffering to communicate absolute dominance over the victim. Factually stimulating and legally informed, this volume provides the clearest analysis to date of the torture debate. It brings the story up to date by discussing the Obama administration's failure to hold torturers accountable.
Criminal Justice Ethics
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000
Slovak Yearbook of International Law, 2022
Prohibition of torture as a right is part of the ius cogens system of international law. The prohibition as such is derived from the necessity of maintaining the physical and mental integrity of person, which is embedded in the humanity itself. Therefore, the prohibition of torture is not just an absolute and un-derogable, but also a fundamental and natural law, which has to be collectively guaranteed. Many regional human rights systems explicitly protect the values of this right. The Inter-American system for the protection of human rights is not an exception in this matter. The author follows theoretical perspectives of the prohibition of torture and later on analyzes some examples of the case-law, which deals with the issues related to acts of torture or other degrading or inhuman punishment.
Journal For the Study of Religions and Ideologies, 2010
The present essay focuses on political torture during the twentieth century. It takes a multidisciplinary approach, because it entails insights from history, politics, ideology, anthropology, psychology and literature. The aim of the present essay is to discuss the relation between "Classical" torture (in the past centuries) and "Modern" torture (in the twentieth century), analyzing the phenomena in a comparative perspective and paying attention to the hidden and unconscious motives behind historical facts. What I am interested in is the mechanism by which, in the twentieth century, torture has been reintroduced particularly for political prisoners-that means torture for ideas and conscience, torture as a technique of power and not merely as a technique of punishment. What torture destroys first is the dignity and privacy of the victim; only then does it destroy the victim's freedom and integrity. For this reason, every torture is an act of rape, even a symbolic one. I mean this in psychological terms, not as a demonstration of feminist vocabulary. Every touching of the victim's body is rape, emphasizing the "virility" of the torturer. First of all, the torturer wants to become a master of his victim's body, and only later, a master of the tortured person's mind. I include imagination in the concept of torture, imagination being one of the tools of the act of torturing. In torture, imagination becomes, in my demonstration, a never-ending weapon. Torturable v. non-torturable individuals. The twentieth-century breakthrough: brainwashing and electroshocks. The Armenian genocide. The Gulag and the Nazi camps. Experimental torture. Mao, the re-educator. The modern European machine. Fin-de-siecle horror: Chechnya and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Africa: tribal torture and imported torture. South-American "Catholicism." Fidel, the exterminator.
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.