The Origin and Development of Federalism in Russia

Comparative Politics, 2005

Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 1997

This article examines the relationship between heads of regional administrations (governors) and the federal government in Russia since 1992. It looks at the methods with which governors have enhanced their powers vis-a-vis Moscow and at the policies of the federal authorities aimed at preserving some form of control over regional officials. The article argues that the gubernatorial elections of September 1996–March 1997, which gave almost all governors a popular mandate, will not considerably change the balance of power in center-periphery relations, despite fears to this effect among members of the Presidential Administration.

The alleged success of former president (and current prime minister) Vladimir Putin in recentralizing the Russian Federation requires critical appraisal. A number of limitations to the reunification project, as Putin initially conceived it almost a decade ago, are emerging. A growing number of Russian and international scholars assert that center-regional relations did not change all that much during Putin's presidency and that the mono-polar system of power within most regions remains intact, which not only impedes democratic accountability in the federation but also makes the federal center's supervision over regional elites problematic. Publicly, those elites express almost ritual loyalty to the Kremlin, yet informal room for bargaining between Moscow and the provinces still exists, as does financial asymmetry within the federation, just as in the 1990s.

2010

From constitutional to political asymmetry: crafting authoritarian regimes in Russia's regions and republics 157 10 Conclusions 172 5.11 The portion of taxes credited to the budgets of 'privileged republics' in 1992-98 as a % of total taxes collected in each republic's territory 5.12 Economic status of the seven federal districts 6.1 Party representation in regional assemblies 6.2 Number of seats won by candidates of national parties and number of assemblies in which parties have seats, January 1998 6.3 Comparisons of registered candidates with winners, 1995-97 6.4 Variations in the level of governors' support of parties, 1999 6.5 Regional distribution of parties in the December 1999 Duma elections 7.1 Turovskii's classification of regional legislatures, 1997 9.1 Comparative prima facie evidence of electoral competitiveness and non-competitiveness in elections for the chief executive in the eighty-nine subjects of the Russian Federation Boxes 1.1 Federal structure of the Russian Federation 4.1 The interregional associations 6.1 Political affiliation of Russian governors 7.1 Variations in the powers of legislative and executive bodies of power as stipulated in regional and republican charters and constitutions 8.1 The seven federal districts Appendices

2010

This series is published on behalf of BASEES (the British Association for Slavonic and East European Studies). The series comprises original, high-quality, research-level work by both new and established scholars on all aspects of Russian, Soviet, post-Soviet and East European Studies in humanities and social science subjects.

Communist and Post-communist Studies, 2000

The scholarly literature on democratic transitions has largely ignored developments at the local level and the relationship between federalism and democracy. In this work I examine the development of federalism in Russia and I assess the impact of Russia's highly asymmetrical form of federalism on democratisation. The study shows that federalism far from promoting democracy has allowed authoritarianism to flourish in many of Russia's eighty nine regions and republics. Federalism and democratization in Russia exist in contradiction rather than harmony. In a vicious circle, authoritarianism at the centre has been nourished by authoritarianism in the region and vice versa. "Elective dictatorships" and "delegative democracies" are now well entrenched in many republics, and mini-presidential systems are firmly established in a majority of the regions.

Europe-asia Studies, 2007

This article provides an analysis of the institutional mechanisms that are required to ensure the effective functioning of federalism in Russian politics. A common contention in the literature on federalism is that, in addition to fundamental requirements such as the constitutionally defined division of powers between the federation and its constituent units, and the supremacy of the federal constitution, some ancillary structures are necessary. Of particular importance are institutions of intergovernmental co-operation, transparent means for the mobility of officials between the centre and the regions, and integrated systems of national parties. The functioning of these institutions must also reflect the culture and ethic of federalism. This article examines how well these three factors have been implemented in Russia in the course of Putin's reforms. It is shown that a preliminary network of such institutions has been created. However, their operational ethic, and in particular the lack of commitment to federal values, it is argued, could act as an impediment to the successful evolution of the federal state in Russia. THE COMPREHENSIVE FEDERAL REFORMS LAUNCHED BY RUSSIA'S PRESIDENT Vladimir Putin upon assuming office in May 2000 marked a significant turn in the evolution of the country's centre -regional relations. The newly emerged federal structure represented a clear departure from the chaos and 'sovereignisation' of the Yel'tsin era. It introduced greater clarity in the centre -regional division of powers (Smirnyagin 2001), re-consolidated the authority of the federal centre, 1 and attempted to establish the supremacy of federal law across the land (Hahn 2003, pp. 114 -153).

This series is published on behalf of BASEES (the British Association for Slavonic and East European Studies). The series comprises original, high-quality, research-level work by both new and established scholars on all aspects of Russian, Soviet, post-Soviet and East European Studies in humanities and social science subjects.

Communist and Post-communist Studies, 2003

This paper provides a detailed analysis of Putin's radical overhaul of the Russian federal system and its impact on federalism and democratisation. Whilst not all of Putin's reforms have been implemented fully, the reorganisation of the Federation Council, his usurpation of unilateral powers to dismiss regional assemblies and chief executives, combined with his creation of seven federal districts, make a mockery of federalism. There are real worries that Putin's quest for a 'dictatorship of law' will be bought at the cost of civil liberties and the consolidation of democracy. At present it would appear that Putin is willing to sacrifice democracy in order to win unity. However, his attack on the sovereignty claims of the ethnic republics are surely just as likely to stir up nationist sentiments as to quell them.