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2008, Psychologia
The phenomenon of change blindness has received a great deal of attention during the last decade, but very few experiments have examined the effects of the subjective importance of the visual stimuli under study. We have addressed this question in a series of studies by introducing choice as a critical variable in change detection (see . In the present study, participants were asked to choose which of two pictures they found more attractive. For stimuli we used both pairs of abstract patterns and female faces. Sometimes the pictures were switched during to choice procedure, leading to a reversal of the initial choice of the participants. Surprisingly, the subjects seldom noticed the switch, and in a post-test memory task, they also often remembered the manipulated choice as being their own. In combination with our previous findings, this result indicates that we often fail to notice changes in the world even if they have later consequences for our own actions.
Current Directions in Psychological …, 2005
People often fail to notice large changes to visual scenes, a phenomenon now known as change blindness. The extent of change blindness in visual perception suggests limits on our capacity to encode, retain, and compare visual information from one glance to the next; our awareness of our visual surroundings is far more sparse than most people intuitively believe. These failures of awareness and the erroneous intuitions that often accompany them have both theoretical and practical ramifications. This article briefly summarizes the current state of research on change blindness and suggests future directions that promise to improve our understanding of scene perception and visual memory.
Consciousness and Cognition, 2010
The goal of this study is to characterize observers' abilities to detect gradual changes and to explore putative dissociations between conscious experience of change and behavioral adaptation to a changing stimulus. We developed a new experimental paradigm in which, on each trial, participants were shown a dot pattern on the screen. Next, the pattern disappeared and participants had to reproduce it. In some conditions, the target pattern was incrementally rotated over successive trials and participants were either informed or not of this change. We analyzed both awareness of the changes and the dynamics of behavioral adaptation, in a way that makes it possible to assess both variability and accuracy as they change over time. Results indicate a dissociation between change awareness and behavioral adaptation to the changes, and support the notion that unconscious representations of visual stimuli are more precise and detailed than previously suggested. We discuss the implications of these results for theories of change detection. Crown steps of 1°of visual angle on each display, with each display separated from the next one by a brief blank screen (1500 ms). Participants were instructed to press a button if they had noticed the scene change. The results indicated that half of the participants remained unaware of the change up to a dramatic rotation of 48°. However, when a shift back to the original scene was produced after a cumulated rotation of 20°or 30°that had so far remained undetected, most subjects could then clearly see the change. Authors concluded that visual memory had been updated, albeit in the absence of awareness. Indeed, if visual memory had not been updated at all, participants would not have been able to detect the change when presented anew with the original display. These results clearly challenge the idea that change blindness arises from a failure to maintain relevant information in memory (see also, .
Cognition–A smorgasbord, ed. P. Gärdenfors & A. …, 2008
Psychologia, 2008
An overview is presented of the ways that change blindness has been applied to the study of various issues in perception and cognition. Topics include mechanisms of change perception, allocation of attention, nonconscious perception, and cognitive beliefs. Recent work using change blindness to investigate these topics is surveyed, along with a brief discussion of some of the ways that these approaches may further develop over the next few years.
Consciousness and …, 2008
Consciousness and Cognition, 2011
2003
2.. Attention and storage in working memory protects against change blindness AA crucial factor in change detection seems to be attention, a phenomenon discussed in BOX 1.. In the real world, changes almost always involve motion or luminance changes. This often evokess a visual transient that is unique, or very salient with respect to background noise, so that itt attracts attention (Phillips & Singer, 1974; Rensink, 2000b, 2002). Without a blank interval in thee change blindness paradigm, the unique transient makes the change easy to detect. With the
Abstract Change blindness is a person‟ s inability to notice changes in a visual scene that seem obvious when pointed out. Recent experiments using eye tracking techniques have suggested that even though participants do not detect a change they fixate on the changing area more. Two studies test whether this finding is present across different change blindness paradigms and whether it is detectable after fixation. In the first study we compare behavior in flicker and gradual change paradigms.
In Encyclopedia of Consciousness, Vol 1. W. Banks (ed). New York: Elsevier. pp. 47-59. , 2009
As observers, we generally have a strong impression of seeing everything in front of us at any moment. But compelling as it is, this impression is false – there are severe limits to what we can consciously experience in everyday life. Much of the evidence for this claim has come from two phenomena: change blindness (CB) and inattentional blindness (IB). CB refers to the failure of an observer to visually experience changes that are easily seen once noticed. This can happen even if the changes are large, constantly repeat, and the observer has been informed that they will occur. A related phenomenon is IB – the failure to visually experience an object or event when attention is directed elsewhere. For example, observers may fail to notice an unexpected object that enters their visual field, even if this object is large, appears for several seconds, and has important consequences for the selection of action. Both phenomena involve a striking failure to report an object or event that is easily seen once noticed. As such, both are highly counterintuitive, not only in the subjective sense that observers have difficulty believing they could fail so badly at seeing but also in the objective sense that these findings challenge many existing ideas about how we see. But as counterintuitive as these phenomena are, progress has been made in understanding them. Indeed, doing so has allowed us to better understand the limitations of human perception in everyday life and to gain new insights into how our visual systems create the picture of the world that we experience each moment our eyes are open.
Three experiments investigated the role of ‘change blindness’ in mistaken eyewitness identifications of innocent bystanders to a simulated crime. Two innocent people appeared briefly in a filmed scene in a supermarket. The ‘continuous innocent’ (CI) walked down the liquor aisle and passed behind a stack of boxes, whereupon the perpetrator emerged and stole a bottle of liquor, thereby resulting in an action sequence promoting the illusion of continuity between perpetrator and innocent. The ‘discontinuous innocent’ (DI) was shown immediately afterward in the produce aisle. Results revealed that: (1) more than half of participants failed to notice the change between the CI and the perpetrator, (2) among those who failed to notice the change, more misidentified the ‘CI’ than the ‘DI’, a pattern that did not hold for those who did notice the change. Participants were less likely to notice the change when they were distracted while watching the video. Copyright # 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 2005
Change blindness is the striking failure to see large changes that normally would be noticed easily. Over the past decade this phenomenon has greatly contributed to our understanding of attention, perception, and even consciousness. The surprising extent of change blindness explains its broad appeal, but its counterintuitive nature has also engendered confusions about the kinds of inferences that legitimately follow from it. Here we discuss the legitimate and the erroneous inferences that have been drawn, and offer a set of requirements to help separate them. In doing so, we clarify the genuine contributions of change blindness research to our understanding of visual perception and awareness, and provide a glimpse of some ways in which change blindness might shape future research.
Encyclopedia of Cognitive Science
Psychological Science, 2010
There is broad consensus among researchers both that faces are processed more holistically than other objects and that this type of processing is beneficial. We predicted that holistic processing of faces also involves a cost, namely, a diminished ability to localize change. This study ( N = 150) utilized a modified change-blindness paradigm in which some trials involved a change in one feature of an image (nose, chin, mouth, hair, or eyes for faces; chimney, porch, window, roof, or door for houses), whereas other trials involved no change. People were better able to detect the occurrence of a change for faces than for houses, but were better able to localize which feature had changed for houses than for faces. Half the trials used inverted images, a manipulation that disrupts holistic processing. With inverted images, the critical interaction between image type (faces vs. houses) and task (change detection vs. change localization) disappeared. The results suggest that holistic proc...
Perception, 2002
What strategies does human vision use to attend to faces and their features? How are such strategies altered by 2-D inversion or photographic negation? We report two experiments in which these questions were studied with the flicker task of the change-blindness literature. In experiment 1 we studied detection of configural changes to the eyes or mouth, and found that upright faces receive more efficient attention than inverted faces, and that faces shown with normal contrast receive more efficient attention than faces shown in photographic negative. Moreover, eyes receive greater attention than the mouth. In experiment 2 we studied detection of local changes to the eyes or mouth, and found the same results. It is well known that inversion and negation impair the perception and recognition of faces. The experiments presented here extend previous findings by showing that inversion and negation also impair attention to faces.
British Journal of Psychology, 2006
Change blindness is often taken as evidence that visual representations are impoverished, while successful recognition of specific objects is taken as evidence that they are richly detailed. In the current experiments, participants performed cover tasks that required each object in a display to be attended. Change detection trials were unexpectedly introduced and surprise recognition tests were given for nonchanging displays. For both change detection and recognition, participants had to distinguish objects from the same basic-level category, making it likely that specific visual information had to be used for successful performance. Although recognition was above chance, incidental change detection usually remained at floor. These results help reconcile demonstrations of poor change detection with demonstrations of good memory because they suggest that the capability to store visual information in memory is not reflected by the visual system's tendency to utilize these representations for purposes of detecting unexpected changes.
Wiley Interdisciplinary …, 2011
Change blindness is the failure to notice an obvious change. Inattentional blindness is the failure to notice the existence of an unexpected item. In each case, we fail to notice something that is clearly visible once we know to look for it. Despite similarities, each type of blindness has a unique background and distinct theoretical implications. Here, we discuss the central paradigms used to explore each phenomenon in a historical context. We also outline the central findings from each field and discuss their implications for visual perception and attention. In addition, we examine the impact of task and observer effects on both types of blindness as well as common pitfalls and confusions people make while studying these topics.
Psychonomic bulletin & review, 2006
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