Coup D' Etat, Rebellion and Sedition in the Rule of Law
Judge Eliza B. Yu
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Abstract
This paper presents the roles of Coup D' Etat, Rebellion and Sedition in a Democratic and Republican Philippine state.
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This article examines the typical characteristics and constitutional consequences of a largely neglected phenomenon that I call the “democratic coup d’état.” To date, the academic legal literature has analyzed all military coups under an anti-democratic framework. That conventional framework considers military coups to be entirely anti-democratic and assumes that all coups are perpetrated by power-hungry military officers seeking to depose existing regimes in order to rule their nations indefinitely. Under the prevailing view, therefore, all military coups constitute an affront to stability, legitimacy, and democracy. This article, which draws on fieldwork that I conducted in Egypt and Turkey in 2011, challenges that conventional view and its underlying assumptions. The article argues that, although all military coups have anti-democratic features, some coups are distinctly more democracy-promoting than others because they respond to popular opposition against authoritarian or totalitarian regimes, overthrow those regimes, and facilitate free and fair elections. Following a democratic coup, the military temporarily governs the nation as part of an interim government until democratic elections take place. Throughout the democratic-transition process, the military behaves as a self-interested actor and entrenches, or attempts to entrench, its policy preferences into the new constitution drafted during the transition. Constitutional entrenchment may occur in three ways: procedural, substantive, and institutional. The article uses three comparative case studies to illustrate the democratic-coup phenomenon and the constitutional-entrenchment thesis: (1) the 1960 military coup in Turkey; (2) the 1974 military coup in Portugal; and (3) the 2011 military coup in Egypt.
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Filipino Maoist revolutionary and founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines Jose Maria Sison, also known by his pen name Amado Guerrero, wrote Philippine Society and Revolution (also known as Lipunan at Rebolusyong Pilipino). In 1971, it was first released. Since its first print, Philippine Society and Revolution has influenced the Filipino mass movement and is regarded as one of the Communist Party of the Philippines' key sources. In contemporary Filipino culture, it used Maoist analysis to explain the class structure, fundamental problems, and "class logic of the revolutionary solution, which is the people's democratic revolution." From the perspective of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thinking, Philippine Society and Revolution is an attempt to present the central strands of Philippine culture, the fundamental problem of the Filipino people, the prevailing social structure, and the strategy, tactics, and class logic of the revolutionary solution "the people's democratic revolution" in detail. This book explains why the Communist Party of the Philippines was resurrected in order to mobilize and organize the Filipino people, especially the poor and oppressed workers and peasants, against US imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism, which now rule the country's semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. In this case, the emphasis of this paper is on the Puppet Regimes that have existed throughout Philippine history. A puppet state, dictatorship, or government is one that is legally recognized, autonomous yet highly centralized, and completely dependent on and subject to the orders of an outside power. Puppet states have formal authority, but they are essentially ruled by a foreign power through political, economic, or military aid. Many proxy/puppets regimes offer the appearance of independence, but they are completely dependent on the international power that governs them. Puppet regimes have existed and continue to exist since antiquity. They are typically set up after a foreign power conquers an area and installs a puppet government. International powers install proxy regimes for three main reasons. The first motivation is to use the puppet regime to dominate, or at the very least pacify, the people of the territories it governs. The use of intimidation techniques is also part of this. In certain cases, the foreign power's military forces that install the puppet government are secure. Alternatively, puppet governments can establish their own security apparatus in order to relieve the controlling foreign power of the responsibility of keeping the subject people in line.
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An Alternative Reading in Philippine History | Assessment Paper
Society and Revolution is an attempt to present the main strands of Philippine history, the basic issue of the Filipino people, the dominant social system, and the policy, strategies, and class logic of the revolutionary solutionthe people's democratic revolutionin a detailed way from the perspective of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thinking. Filipino Maoist revolutionary and Communist Party of the Philippines founder Jose Maria Sison, also known by his pen name Amado Guerrero, wrote Philippine Society and Revolution. In 1971, it was first published. Since its first print, Philippine Society and Revolution has served as a source of inspiration for the Filipino people, and it is one of the Communist Party of the Philippines' primary outlets. In contemporary Filipino culture, it used Maoist analysis to explain the class structure, basic problems, and "class logic of the revolutionary solution, which is the people's democratic revolution." This book describes why the Communist Party of the Philippines was resurrected in order to mobilize and unite the Filipino people, especially the poor and oppressed workers and peasants, against US imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism, which now rule the country's semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. Following the reading and analysis of some books and records about the Philippines' puppet government during its history and into the future. Many decades ago, Filipinos experienced a drastic shift in the Philippine political system. On the one side, in reaction to rising social tensions, US imperialism and the local ruling class abandoned any pretense of democracy in favor of imposing direct fascist violence on the restive masses through the Marcos martial-law dictatorship. Despite being suppressed by US-backed repression, a national democratic people's movement has grown gradually and slowly to the point that the Filipino people are now closer to national liberation than they have ever been in recent history. This paper focuses on the Puppet Regimes that have existed in the Philippines' past. A puppet state, dictatorship, or government is one that is legally recognized, autonomous yet highly centralized, and completely reliant on and subject to the orders of an outside power. Puppet states have formal control, but they are largely controlled by a foreign power through political, economic, or military aid. Many proxy/puppet regimes offer the appearance of independence, but they are completely dependent on the international power that governs them. Puppet regimes have existed
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