Rural banditry

Hausa women have been playing important role in economic development of Hausaland over the years. There are some occupation and specific trade which are dominated by women. Scholars have studied the economic role of these women. There is consensus among these scholars that the Sokoto Jihad movement impacted positively on the economic life of women in the 19 th century. Women seclusion as preached and advocated by Nana Asma'u the daughter of Sheikh Usmanu Bin Fodiyo led to a change in economic status of women from open participation in the market square to what Hill called 'Hidden Trade'. What needs to be realized is that even at the apex of the Caliphate rule some old women could still be found in an open market conducting and co-coordinating different types of trade. The old women were allowed to appear in an open market by the virtue of their age. Most of the studies conducted on women's trade failed to acknowledge the existence of this class of women and their role in Hausa economy. Therefore, this paper attempts to study the role of this category of women in the operation of grains trade in the 19 th century. Murtala Ahmed Rufa'i is of the

2016

The study has also explored and provided valuable insights into the vegetable marketing system in Jos. These insights include an understanding of the importance of market associations, particularly the role which they play in organising traders. There are rules and regulations contained in the associations' constitutions that guide the members in their everyday operations. These associations also play roles in settling disputes, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of traders, reducing conflicts in the marketing chain; also in price control, and the representation, security and survival of traders in the marketplace, particularly, in light of the ongoing situation of conflict in Jos, which has affected most parts of the city over a period of 10 years. The markets have both bigger and smaller associations, whose leaders collaborate to ensure order and the smooth running of the markets, with the involvement of all traders. The ability of the informal markets, that are labelled as unorganised, to be, in fact, this organised, either gives a new meaning to the term 'informal markets', or challenges that notion. This study has further showed that the leadership of the central market association has long been occupied by mainly Hausa Muslim men, in markets that they dominate. Thus, I argue, as well as that of the dominance of a particular ethnic and religious group, this brings the wider issue of patriarchy in public places to the fore, and the strategic agency used here by this group to dominate women in economic places. More recently, however, it should be noted that there have been efforts to involve more women in the leadership to ensure equal representation. This was not the situation in the past, but the ethnoreligious conflict has created a consciousness towards the inclusion of all traders (along the lines of ethnicity, religion, and gender), in order to show their unity in spite of the conflict. The study has also found that the conditions of markets in which traders spent their everyday lives were, and still are not, encouraging. The markets lack basic facilities like toilets, water, shop kiosks, roads, and shelter; also that, amongst other things, the traders endure long working hours with limited benefits. The interactions that take place in the vegetable marketplace are divided into economic and social relations. The chapter's focus on economic relations showed that the relations and roles carried out by traders had been divided along gendered lines, which had been accepted by all traders (with men serving mainly as dillali and wholesalers, with women, who are the majority in the market, serving mainly as retailers and hawkers). Overall, this was found to indicate an interdependent or symbiotic relationship rather than a dominating relationship, which means that traders relied on one another despite their diversity for all traders to benefit. The relations, while also customary, were voluntary: traders could do business according to their own free will, meaning they could choose anyone at any point to relate with, and this is still the case now. Another point on these relations is that they were complementary; power relations were, xiv therefore, not felt to be competitive, as traders accepted and carried out their complementary roles, interacting with no feeling of domination. As a result, there was little, or no visible, friction in their relationship. Here I maintain, however, that there were, and are, some elements of exploitation and domination of the women retailers by the dillali and wholesalers, but that it largely was outside of the women's power to do anything about it; as such, they remained happy and contented with their position, because at least they could meet their needs, and sustain their families, which is of the utmost importance to them, certainly more important to them than mounting challenges to power relations. Trading on credit is a distinct kind of cooperation that exists in trading relations, which is based on trust and reciprocity. This is because there are no written contracts to bind or explicitly state when debtors are to pay back creditors, despite which, there are few cases of those that have defaulted on payment. The concept of power relations is used to describe how traders influence one another through their interdependent and complementary roles, in the process of relating. Here, it is discussed how traders depend on one another to access and/or dispose of goods, and not by dominating or forcing others to do what they want. This is because both parties in any such transaction need each other to survive in vegetable trading. Another pertinent relational pattern here is that of social relations, which this study argues are embedded in economic relations. This is because, apart from buying and selling, relations between traders also comprise of important conversations, like discussing of family issues, taking place; these bind traders together, and this in turn builds friendship, which further builds trust among them. In other words, the study shows explicitly how the market is more than a space for commerce; it also is a location where social relations thrive, and relationships are built. Social relations make feelings of friendship possible; this simply means that friendship is a necessary context for functioning markets (Storr, 2008). Social relations in the market are divided into two kinds here: everyday social relations and planned social relations. The first type take place on a daily basis, and include greetings, eating and drinking together, and so on. The second type here, that of planned relations, means those that are organised or mediated either by the market associations or individuals, including contributions, loans and assistance, and visits to other traders in times of need. Social relations built by traders of diverse identities have helped in bonding traders, maintaining their close ties, and the building of strong friendships and trust in the vegetable marketplace in Jos. This study discovered that four categories of traders operate in the vegetable marketing system in Jos: these are retailers, hawkers, dillalia and wholesalers. Most of the women traders are to xv be found at the lowest level in the marketing chainin the roles of retailers and hawkers. The reasons for this is their lack of resources, and the fact that, as a group, they got into vegetable trading later than their male counterparts. As a result, they could not break the niche already carved out for themselves by the Hausa men; this is what Guyer calls niched 1 commercial systems (Guyer, 1997). However, the conflict in Jos, which affected trading relations, also displaced and led to the forceful relocation of many market women. Ultimately this also led to their emergence as dillalia and wholesalers, a position formally occupied by men. This study also shows that most of the women in vegetable trading were indigenous to the Plateau State, largely because of language (they speak Hausa) and their knowledge of the environment. Another reason for indigenous women's domination of the vegetable retail trade is that of their poverty, as, due to the possibility of trading on credit, it is possible to start vegetable trading with very little capital. There are also some women from neighbouring states involved in Jos vegetable trading, due to their relative proximity, hence their similar culture and language. This study shows that the roles of women before the conflict were not just to take care of their homes, children or care for the sick and the aged. Apart from those stipulated roles of caregiving, they also played important roles in supporting their husbands in generating income to meet the needs of the family, as (for reasons articulated in the study) it was increasingly no longer possible for men alone to provide for the family. Most men were thus supported by their wives, who provided money for food, shelter and paying for children's school fees. The conflict situation further exacerbated the circumstances that led to these changes, as the economic situation became increasingly difficult, such that the income brought home by men was hardly enough to meet the needs of the family. Women came to play multiple roles, at once keeping the home and taking care of the children alongside supporting their husbands with financial resources. This role of sharing financial responsibility has given married women a voice in the home, such that they now sometimes influence decision making. Also, quite a number of the women interviewed stated that they have faced an increase in their financial responsibilities because the conflict in Jos led to the death or incapacitation of their xxii understand if trust has been rebuilt. There have subsequently been Boko-Haram attacks on Jos markets, thus there is a need to examine if (and if so, how) this dynamic is different, and how traders are now coping and ensuring security in the marketplace in the face of this new threat. 102 with roadblocks mounted on major streets. The soldiers have helped in ensuring peace in Jos, even though they are not able to prevent silent killings, clashes in the rural areas and bomb attacks. Though trust has been breached among Jos residents, there is a process of rebuilding underway, especially with the relative peace that the city has enjoyed for some time now. In relation to the markets, for example, vendors are gradually beginning to hawk in both Muslim and Christian dominated areas again, even though with caution. Transporters, who are mainly Muslim men, are beginning to transport goods to markets dominated by Christians. This tells us that trust is gradually building back up, and people are not afraid of each other like before. At the same time, however, there is also a high number of vigilante groups in both Christian and Muslim neighbourhoods, for the purpose of protecting lives and property.

Journal of Arts and Humanities, 2013

In pre-colonial Akokoland, the most conspicuous fact about its political economy and peace was security challenges and mismanagement through internal and external manipulation. This paper analyses the role of women in warfare in pre-colonial Akokoland as a potential to integrate Akokoland, a multi-cultural community for productive and sustained effort to promote economic development in the region. Thus, the paper is conceptualised on historical objectivity. The paper argues that one of the ways of dealing with the scale of insecurity in the society is to assimilate historical thinking into the intention of the security agents (women warriors).

Bakassi, a peninsula rich in petroleum and natural gas, is Cameroon's, after a lingering border dispute over it with Nigeria which saw Cameroon emerging triumphant. As expected, a large extent of the peninsula's historiography has been pretty conflict-based than otherwise. It is within this basis that the underlying article explores yet an existent but casually exploited fieldthe experience of cross-border trade in the peninsula. Likewise, Cameroon's reluctant enthusiasm to make genderequalized evaluations of trade inspired the spotlight of this research on the female gender. It is in this light that the write-up aims at delving into the reasons why the women of Bakassi (in the Cameroon side), ventured into cross-border trade with Nigeria between the years 1963 and 2016 as well as the different constraints witnessed in doing so. Relying on primary and secondary sources while consuming other disciplines where indispensable, the article depended on the thematic, chronological and descriptive models of analysis accordingly. From the objectives and methods adapted, the results of our findings proved that during the years under reflection, historical relationships, intermarriages, differences in natural resource base, differences in prices, devaluation of the Nigerian currency and the economic crisis of the 1980s all motivated Bakassi women to undertake the trade. As for the obstacles faced in the process, they varied from the economic standpoint to socio-cultural restrains. The economic hindrances included corruption, piracy, theft, fraud, price instability, transport and communication network problems and inadequate capital while the sociocultural obstructions were mainly illiteracy, inadequate access to information and traditional prejudices. Résumé-Bakassi, une péninsule riche en pétrole et en gaz naturel, appartient au Cameroun, après un différend frontalier persistant avec le Nigeria qui a vu le Cameroun sortir triomphant. Comme prévu, une grande partie de l'historiographie de la péninsule a été plutôt basée sur les conflits qu'autrement. C'est dans cette base que l'article sous-jacent explore un domaine encore existant mais nonchalamment exploitél'expérience du commerce transfrontalier dans la péninsule. De même, l'enthousiasme réticent du Cameroun à procéder à des évaluations du commerce égalisées par genre a inspiré la mise en lumière de cette recherche sur le genre féminin. C'est dans cette optique que l'article vise à approfondir les raisons pour lesquelles les femmes de Bakassi (côté camerounais), se sont Théodore et al.

International Journal of Managerial Studies and Research

The means by which women in rural communities gain income and meet basic needs are often met by multiple livelihood activities (Ayodepo, 2010). These activities can be termed the informal economic activities, and it serves as the most important source of employment in rural Nigeria. The sector is equally essential as it provides an opportunity for a large majority of rural population for selfactualization, self reliance and fulfillment (International Labour Organisation, 1990). The increasing detachment of women and children from men's income has led to an increase in the involvement of rural women in informal economic activities, hence according to Odejimi and Agbada (2014), the informal sector habours the highest number of active poor, who are small business owners that need financial assistance to sustain and develop their businesses. Rural women entrepreneurs by virtue of their location and level of education may have good business ideas but lack money to profitably use those ideas. Rural women activities mainly include petty trading, vocational enterprises, handicraft, farming and agro-processing (Onyenechere, 2011). Most low income women have important productive role in the family and also in the society. They are also involved in producing agricultural raw materials for our industries. In fact, most agricultural production and marketing activities including animal husbandry activities are performed by women. According to Aspaas (1998) and Barret (1995), there is seemingly a good number of women in rural farming, processing and marketing. It is these income yielding informal economic activities by women that make them indispensable in the process of rural development and house hold sustainability. There is however, an observable change in the pattern of women's work in the recent times as their participation is declining in agriculture but increasing in petty trading; which according

Abstract The 30 months civil war in Nigeria was quite devastating to Biafra as it allowed history to record the most bizzare conflict in Africa and indeed , the most destructive war in black Africa. Several scholars have included the genocidal content of the war to affirm that it far outweighed what happened in old Yugoslavia. The Nigeria-Biafra war threw up diverse methods and strategies of survival by war-ravaged folks especially women. This paper, using oral sources examines trans-border trade as a method and strategy of survival ingeniously devised and crafted by women to sustain their respective families. Thus from border trades between war fronts to discreet trade activities (ahia attaakie) into believed ‘enemy’ territories, Biafran women crisscrossed war zones and outlying territories in search of food for their families. And from this, the pangs and pains of war compelled them to further devise more methods of ‘personal’ survival that included marrying or befriending enemy/‘...

2020

Women have been made significant contributors towards the growth, development and sustainability of human society as a whole. Women constitute half of the population in the world. In every society from ancient to modern times, women are considered less competent with men in all the aspects of socio-cultural and economic life. So to say in the Economic aspects the position of women always plays a significant role in the society. Assam is a land of numerous tribes having different ethnic and linguistic background since the time immemorial. Among them, the Bodo/Boro are numerically and sociologically one of the most aboriginal tribes in Assam. Role of Bodo women in economic activities is not much discussed in her society and there is a lacking space to deal it. Therefore this paper is made a humble attempt to highlight the importance of Bodo women in the economic activities or their normal position in the field of socio-economic perceptions in the society, traditionally and the way for...

COGITO MULTIDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH JOURNAL RNAL, 2020

This study examines women’s role in Nigeria’s fratricidal war that ended in 1970 by debunking several myths on the subject matter. With the war’s end, scholars have been unable to put in proper perspective the role of women in that conflict; instead, the generality of people prefer to live in denial by consigning the role of women to obscurity and oblivion. Male-dominated narratives of bravery and invincibility depict a shut-down mentality against the womenfolk whose wartime activities count for nothing. This seeming social exclusion and marginalization of femininity are very pronounced. Historical and oral evidence abound but remains mostly unacknowledged on successful women traders in times of conflict. Several women gave a good account of themselves during the war it would have been a measure of fairness in the civil war narratives if a few of these women had received the slightest mention. The above is a glaring lacuna and thus a significant challenge and concern for this study. The study used mainly oral sources interlaced with secondary materials and based on historical narrative style in giving relevance to women’s role in the war. It however came with the consequences of a moral dilemma.

Social Anthropology, 2007

Women's economic empowerment has come to play an increasingly prominent role in the policies of mainstream development agencies. This article draws on fieldwork amongst small-scale traders in southwestern Nigeria to suggest that the capacity of traders to exercise 'choice' is more complex than development narratives suggest. Deploying de Certeau's (1984) distinction between strategies and tactics, the article argues that making clearcut, strategic choices is dependent on having the power to realise them: power that many women in this as in other settings, including those with considerable buying and spending power, are not in a position to fully exercise. Women's struggles for success and survival in this context, the article argues, are waged in domains where their positions as agents are relational, situational, and above all, provisional. As members of families, associations and hearth-holds, their abilities to make active, purposive, choices are constantly reconfigured in relation to these others. 'Empowerment' may be defined by mainstream development agencies as a destination, but looking more closely at the experiences of poor women in this setting reveals journeys along pathways that may be pitted with obstacles, in which chance and contingency may play as much of a part as deliberate choice, and for which tactics are needed for survival as well as success. A central argument in this article, then, is for the need to factor contingency into representations of women's working lives in development discourse, which in turn calls for an approach that can accommodate the mediation of agency and the tensions between autonomy and connectedness that course through women's lives. Key words development, women's empowerment, southwestern Nigeria, informal traders * I owe grateful thanks to Iya Taliatu, Iya Onibata and Maria for telling me their stories and allowing me to write about them. I'm also very grateful to all the women and men in Ado-Odo who gave me their time, and to Dorcas Odu and Mary Akinsowon for helping me to negotiate and understand women's working lives in Ado. For their comments on an earlier version of this article, I'd like to thank J.D.Y. Peel and Kit Davis, and the ERSC for funding the original fieldwork on which it is based.

Social Anthropology, 2007

Women's economic empowerment has come to play an increasingly prominent role in the policies of mainstream development agencies. This article draws on fieldwork amongst small-scale traders in southwestern Nigeria to suggest that the capacity of traders to exercise 'choice' is more complex than development narratives suggest. Deploying de Certeau's (1984) distinction between strategies and tactics, the article argues that making clearcut, strategic choices is dependent on having the power to realise them: power that many women in this as in other settings, including those with considerable buying and spending power, are not in a position to fully exercise. Women's struggles for success and survival in this context, the article argues, are waged in domains where their positions as agents are relational, situational, and above all, provisional. As members of families, associations and hearth-holds, their abilities to make active, purposive, choices are constantly reconfigured in relation to these others. 'Empowerment' may be defined by mainstream development agencies as a destination, but looking more closely at the experiences of poor women in this setting reveals journeys along pathways that may be pitted with obstacles, in which chance and contingency may play as much of a part as deliberate choice, and for which tactics are needed for survival as well as success. A central argument in this article, then, is for the need to factor contingency into representations of women's working lives in development discourse, which in turn calls for an approach that can accommodate the mediation of agency and the tensions between autonomy and connectedness that course through women's lives. Key words development, women's empowerment, southwestern Nigeria, informal traders * I owe grateful thanks to Iya Taliatu, Iya Onibata and Maria for telling me their stories and allowing me to write about them. I'm also very grateful to all the women and men in Ado-Odo who gave me their time, and to Dorcas Odu and Mary Akinsowon for helping me to negotiate and understand women's working lives in Ado. For their comments on an earlier version of this article, I'd like to thank J.D.Y. Peel and Kit Davis, and the ERSC for funding the original fieldwork on which it is based.