OBSERVING THE 1998-99 NIGERIA ELECTIONS

CYPAN International Journal of Social Science and Economic Development, 2023

Since 1999, elections have become regular in Nigeria. From 1999 to 2023 the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had conducted six consecutive elections. During each of these elections foreign observers trooped into the country in order to study and monitor the electioneering process from campaign to elections. This paper examines the challenges of foreign election observations within the context of how such observations improve or undermine the credibility of these elections. The paper thus argued that credible elections are the hallmark of democratic society, and foreign observations, despite it's controversially helps to improve the credibility of Nigeria's elections through identification of areas of strengths and weakness or problems to be address. Often, INEC has been responding to their observations, which accordingly improves the effectiveness and efficiency of the electoral process in the country.

2015

In the contemporary world of today, elections have become the most accepted means of changing leadership in any given political system. Election ordinarily, in most democratic states is usually conducted by an institution set up by law in any given society. The principal mechanism for translating the consent of the governed into governmental authority is the holding of free and fair election. History has shown that it is usually difficult to hold elections that are completely free and fair. Even the United States (US) election that led to the victory of President Bush was alleged to be marred with irregularities in the State of Florida. Studies of elections have revealed that transiting from one regime to another is often the problem in most African states. For instance, the recent elections in Kenya were reported to be seriously flawed and impacted by irregularities in vote tabulation and reporting of results just like the election debacle in Cote d’Ivoire between Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Quattarra to mention just a few. In Nigeria, the 1999, 2003 and 2007 Presidential elections were reported to be marred by irregularities by foreign and local observers. Against these backdrop is the general consensus among scholars, political activists, and well-meaning Nigerians of the need for electoral reforms. This paper examines elections, electoral reforms and political development in Nigeria within the last 12 years. It reveals how since independence, the various phases of Nigeria’s democracy has been shrouded with electoral credibility and regime legitimacy questions, and highlighting specifically the challenges and opportunities for electoral reforms in Nigeria. The paper proffers measures as the way forward and ended with a conclusion.

CYPDAN Journal of Social Science and Economic Development, 2023

Since 1999, elections have become regular in Nigeria. From 1999 to 2023 the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had conducted six consecutive elections. During each of these elections foreign observers trooped into the country in order to study and monitor the electioneering process from campaign to elections. This paper examines the challenges of foreign election observations within the context of how such observations improve or undermine the credibility of these elections. The paper thus argued that credible elections are the hallmark of democratic society, and foreign observations, despite it's controversially helps to improve the credibility of Nigeria's elections through identification of areas of strengths and weakness or problems to be address. Often, INEC has been responding to their observations, which accordingly improves the effectiveness and efficiency of the electoral process in the country.

Journal of African elections, 2012

Nigeria's 2011 elections marked a watershed in the country's democracy. Before then elections conducted there had been marred by controversy, with monitors and observers who assessed the quality of elections consistently questioning their integrity. The 2011 elections, however, received resounding approval as an improvement. This article examines the monitoring and observation by international and local groups of the 2011 elections. It underlines the qualified credibility of the elections considering the level of irregularities and violence noted by observers and monitors and argues that the declaration of the elections as credible must not detract from the need to be mindful of their inadequacies if Nigeria is to reap the benefit of election monitoring and observation in future elections.

Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to mar the conduct of almost all general elections,making free and fair elections a desideratum. Thus, electoral violence has proved to be Nigeria’s harbinger of national instability as unabated festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of election subject almost all Nigeria’s election below the minimum democracy standard. However, for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair.In view of this,the thrust of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the attendant precipitating factors that makefree and fair election pretty difficult in Nigeria.This paper however concludes with recommend ations of policy options to remedy the menace of electoral violence in Nigeria

The Nigerian elections of April–May 2003 saw the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) retain the presidency, capture 28 of the 36 state governorships, and reinforce its majority in both chambers of the National Assembly. Rival parties and civil-society groups, have contested the results and demanded a rerun , alleging that the PDP landslide was achieved through violent and illegal means and with the complicity of the security agencies. Local and foreign election observers reported instances of intimidation and ballot stuffing, under-age and multiple voting, and the absence or late arrival of election materials. Yet they also noted some improvements as the election unfolded. The only institution vested with the power to authorise a rerun is the Election Tribunal. But the aggrieved candidates and parties are reluctant to turn to it, because a sweeping cancellation of the polls is not within the powers of an election tribunal. Nevertheless, the high voter turnout of 69.1% indicated that Nigerians have embraced civilian administration over military rule. This is perhaps one of the major achievements of the political transition that has been in progress since 1999. It is important to reflect on the recent electoral exercise and to draw lessons that might inform future polls in Nigeria. As part of its ongoing programme of support for democratic reform in the country, the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) sponsored a round table from 23-25 July 2003 on the recent elections. (The provision of such platforms is a continuing feature of IDEA's work in Nigeria.) The aim was to provide a forum in which practitioners, scholars, and managers of democracy and electoral processes, as well as other civil-society stakeholders, could: • Assess the overall electoral processes (how the various stages of the electoral process were organized and implemented-enactment of the Electoral Act, the registration of new parties, funding of the EMB-and the role of the key institutions such as INEC, the National Assembly and the executive branch). • evaluate the existing electoral system; • examine the extent to which the elections included minorities, in regard to gender, age, ability, region, resource and ethnicity; and • analyse the role of key institutions—the political parties, the INEC, the media and the security agencies. Following formal presentations, participants were assigned to three groups to discuss in a participatory manner various aspects of Nigeria's electoral process. Topics that were raised during the presentations and in the group discussions are summarised below. Pre-election period The build-up to the election was contentious. Controversy attended the Electoral Act 2001 with allegations that its provisions were doctored after parliamentary approval. The alterations principally set high electoral thresholds for new parties, a development that was seen as the ruling party's scheme to preserve its electoral strength. A new Act was passed early in 2002 with the doctored provisions expunged. But the Electoral Act 2002 contained provisions motivated by considerations of partisanship. Some of its provisions for party registration were successfully challenged by political associations which were subsequently registered as parties. Party nomination processes were largely non-transparent, with most of the incumbents securing re-nomination. Most female aspirants were defeated at the primaries, but two parties fielded female presidential candidates. Incidents of violence, including assassinations, were recorded across the country.

Historia Actual Online, 2010

This paper gives a brief insight into the history of democratic elections in Nigeria since 1959. It proceeds to analyse the factors that have inhibited the growth of a stable democracy and the conduct of credible, free and fair elections in Nigeria. An attempt is also made to explain the meaning, nature and forms of electoral malpractices in Nigeria. The resultant crises and the way forward for the Nigerian polity have also been brought under focus. In all, the paper concludes that the lack of credible, free and fair elections in Nigeria has been responsible for the social, economic, and political stagnation of the country.

Since the third wave of democratisation hit Africa in the early 1990s, Elections in Africa has been anything but free and fair. While the magnitude of electoral malpractices differed from country to country, Nigeria has had a tough time organising credible elections since independence. Except for the 1993 elections, and more recently the 2015 presidential election, elections in Nigeria has been bedevilled with all kinds of malpractices before, during and even after the elections. This book is a review of elections in Nigeria since 1999, with examples drawn from pre-1999 elections in some cases. The chapters contain a mixed bag of robust articles based on qualitative and quantitative approaches. Inherent in this work are a critical review of selected elections, the role of the electoral umpires, the media as election watchdog, and the judiciary as the arbiter of myriad of election petitions that usually accompany elections in Nigeria.