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Similarly to other environmental problems, the planetary scope of climate change has challenged important aspects of the current dynamics of international relations. The need for concrete action to address the problem and reduce it (mitigation) or diminish its impacts (adaptation) presupposes not only the development of science and technology but also, more importantly, a radical change in the production and consumption patterns now prevalent in countries, and this indirectly brings consequences for the power relations among these actors. Furthermore, climate change, by ignoring legal borders between states, demands new forms of governance, and forces a discussion about the concept of sovereignty, its fundamental elements, and its application. In view of these facts, the aim of this article is to bring to discussion the (in)ability of the current dynamics of international relations to respond effectively to global environmental problems, particularly global climate change. This stud...
Climate change and its attendant impacts on natural resources have traditionally been treated as a “soft security” question—a challenge to be managed, but not necessarily a disruptive factor in international security. Until recently, climate change was primarily the domain of specialized negotiators, such as environmental ministers and individuals present at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. However, this has begun to change. In response to a growing body of research demonstrating a significant relationship between a changing climate and state fragility, the foreign policy and security establishments of a growing number of nations have grown increasingly concerned—suggesting in a flurry of national security strategies, defense papers, and intelligence assessments that climate change is a “threat multiplier” and an “immediate risk to national security.” Although security establishments have been attuned to climate change risks since at least 2003, the amount of strategy, planning, and implementation documents addressing climate change risks to security have increased significantly in recent years. . A reasonable question follows: “What does this mean for state sovereignty, and the world order that rests on that foundation?” This article is a preliminary attempt at answering such a question. The general conclusion is that climate change, by exacerbating stresses to the natural resources that sustain the nation-state, presents a significant risk to state sovereignty and world order.
Industrialization, modernization and technological breakthrough are posing a greater challenge in contemporary international politics. They have paved a new dimension in the study of international relations and politics in the area of environmental security, cooperation and even interdependence. This paper is a critical theoretical approach to the study of international green politics, encompassing the nature of international cooperation at a collective level towards providing a better solution to the green gas emission. It analyses the politics that holds in the interplay among states as it relates to national interests, group identity and legalistic and moralistic approach to the study of international green politics. it is part of the findings of this paper that, despite the theoretical exposition of political variables from the angles of classical realism, the advanced capitalist countries especially the United States, still maintain the rationality of national interest and what can be economically termed as 'national wealth' rather than the collective bargaining of the united nations; not compromising the national interests with what is obtainable from the outcome of the collective cooperative principles of nation states as they relate to climate change (Kyoto protocol and Copenhagen summit resolutions). The paper concludes that, if the third world countries continue to slumber, the advanced economies of Europe and America will continue to machinate against their population in saving the climate and capitalize on that to create a new global economic and political hegemony, among other things. The paper recommends prudence in dealing with issues that relate to climate change and due consideration be given to the developing states interalia.
2016
Using Pakistan and the Arctic as examples, this article examines security challenges arising from climate change. Pakistan is in crisis, and climate change, a transnational phenomenon perhaps better characterized as radical enviro-transformation, is an important reason. Its survival as a state may depend to great extent on how it responds to 2010's devastating floods. In the Arctic, the ice cap is melting faster than predicted, as temperatures there rise faster than in almost any other region. Unmanaged, a complex interplay of climate-related conditions, including large-scale "ecomigration", may turn resource competition into resource conflict. Radical enviro-transformation has repeatedly overborne the resilience of societies. War is not an inevitable by-product of such transformation, but in the 21st Century climate-related instability, from resource scarcity and "ecomigration", will likely create increasingly undesirable conditions of insecurity. Weak and failing states are one of today's greatest security challenges. The pace of radical enviro-transformation, unprecedented in human history, is accelerating, especially in the Arctic, where a new, open, rich, and accessible maritime environment is coming into being. The international community must work together to enhance security and stability, promote sustainability, and strengthen sovereignty. Radical enviro-transformation provides ample reason and plentiful opportunity for preventative, collaborative solutions focused broadly on adaptation to climate change, most particularly the effects of "ecomigration". Nations must work together across the whole of government and with all instruments of national power to create conditions for human transformation-social, political, and economic-to occur stably and sustainably, so as to avoid or lessen the prospects for and consequences of conflict. Collaborative international solutions to environmental issues, i.e., solutions that mobilize and share technology and resources, will build nations and build peace. The military, through "preventative engagement" will play a more and more important role. Further research and analysis is needed to determine what changes in law and policy OPEN ACCESS Climate change of a moderating nature, that is, climate change that increases the availability of habitable land and natural resources, may strengthen states, but no state is certain to derive only benefit from climate change. Competition for resources will likely increase and intensify. The benefits of moderating influences may be offset, in large countries particularly, by debilitating influences. Never before seen levels of migration, internal and external, may intensify threats and exacerbate vulnerabilities. This, too, could make armed conflict more likely. As the impacts of climate change compound, and especially if they accelerate, the modern state system, now little more than 400 years old, will face mounting pressures, pressures that may spur armed conflict. Of these, unforeseen numbers of environmentally dispossessed persons may be the most challenging. Uncontrolled mass migration is anathema to state sovereignty and national security. Ways and means to manage it must be found, and soon. For sovereignty to remain strong and resilient, security-maintaining a stable, peaceful international system-and sustainability-living within the Earth's carrying capacity-must adapt to climate change proactively, not reactively. Security and sustainability in an era of climate change will require unified effort around the globe [6]. Curiously, but fortuitously, the dangerous, divisive potentiality of climate change is also a unifying factor, as national interests find common cause in strengthening sovereignty internally and internationally. Unified action must come in many forms, using all instrument of national power, and must address both mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation of, and adaptation to, climate change, but especially adaptation, will require enormous capability and capacity, some taking forms and methods heretofore unimagined. And given the interdependence of sovereignty, sustainability, and security, the military instrument of national power will play an increasingly important role, likewise in new and different ways. Preserving sovereignty in an era of climate change will make more adaptive use of the military, across its full spectrum of capability and perhaps beyond, an essential ingredient of security and stability. But the military instrument of national power, like all others, will not be immune from the constraints and limitations that climate change will impose. Sustainability, some have recognized, has already become as important to armed forces as to every other element of society and government. Sustainable, capable, and adaptable military power will be in constant demand even if climate change advances on the low end of the more modest current predictions. The recent floods in Pakistan and the thinning, shrinking Arctic ice cap illustrate well, by contrast, the trends and challenges derived from climate change. Pakistan presents what may be the destructive effects of climate change on sovereignty and stability in the context of a state that might be characterized as highly stressed, possibly failing. The Arctic presages what at first may appear to be an upside of climate change, the opening of a new frontier for resource exploitation and new sea lanes of communication and commerce. Pakistan's floods suggest how a climate change induced shock, most importantly the resulting social, economic, and political stresses, may be beginning to test the resiliency of national sovereignty, with internal, regional, and international implications including its volatile relations with India, the growth of terrorism, and the vulnerability of its nuclear arsenal. The Arctic is different. Here climate change is perceived to offer opportunity, especially to the Arctic states: the United States, Canada, Denmark, Norway, and Russia [7]. But non-Arctic states, e.g., China, Germany, and Japan, are very much interested-and increasingly present-in these northern reaches [8,9].
Ius et Scientia, 2024
The paper addresses some questions that climate change raises for international law. It focuses in particular on the request for an advisory opinion submitted by the United Nations General Assembly to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on 29 March 2023. This request is analysed as a further manifestation of the international community’s concern to clarify the international responsibility of states to prevent, mitigate and remedy the damage caused by climate change. The study argues that the ICJ could clarify obligations under existing treaties. There may also be a particular opportunity for the Court to expand its jurisprudence on other sources of international law. In particular, it asks whether the ICJ could confirm the emergence of a specific customary rule on the issue.
Annual Review of Political Science
This review “diagnoses” climate change as an international governance challenge and explores the political feasibility of alternative “cures.” Human activities’ growing effect on Earth's climate system is extremely challenging, characterized by, inter alia, very long time lags between mitigation measures (∼costs) and environmental effects (∼benefits) and by stark asymmetries between “guilt” in causing the problem and vulnerability to climate change. Two main cures have been suggested. Some analysts argue that because climate change is a global process, adequate solutions must likewise be global. Others shift attention from the challenge's format to the sources of human motivation, arguing that a decentralized (bottom-up) approach will more directly engage a wider spectrum of motivations and actors. These cures are neither mutually exclusive nor easily combined. IR research contributes more to the former cure than to the latter but can play a constructive role in linking them.
Preprint, 2022
The climate crisis poses many problems which makes identifying the most important ways of dealing with it difficult and confusing. This paper argues that dealing with the climate disaster is above all a political problem-and only secondarily planetary, natural, economic, cultural or psychological. It further argues that from among the great number of political actors with some responsibility and power to contribute to solutions, it is neither humanity as a whole nor people as individuals who can be central players. Nor will global institutions and international organizations play a primary role. Power, and by implication responsibility, is concentrated at the level of nation-states. From among the 200 states in the international system, only half a dozen have the political power to sustain or destroy the natural environment necessary for civilizational survival. The drama of climate action is being played out within these few nations-each with their own unique national mobilization capacities, repertoires of political action and historical roles of international cooperation and conflict.
Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research), 2022
The effects of climate change and global warming on international relations in general, and international security in particular, are examined in this research paper. The paper looks at how climate change could affect international security in a variety of ways. In the recent decade, the role of climate change in geopolitics has shifted dramatically. Climate, from merely being on the sidelines has become an active shaper of geopolitics as a whole. The notion of climate change acting as a threat multiplier will also be explored in detail in this paper. From increased violence due to resource scarcity, to displacement of people because of natural disasters, all of these events impinge on international order and security and will be inspected closely. The changing environment and the events leading up to that create a unique situation where we can look at climate change and geopolitics through the lens of science-backed policies for mitigation and adaptation and map out the impact of these changes on social and political systems of the society. The paper also explores some climate science literature and goes through recommended climate action practices. Geopolitics is heavily influenced by the energy centers in the world and will change with global warming and the exhaustion of fossil fuels. This paper touches on these concerns and attempts at painting a picture of the world with new energy centers and trade routes. This paper above anything else aims at making this understanding part of the approach to an action plan for the future.
This work analyses the consequences of climate change and global warming for international politics in general and international security in particular. It focuses on whether and in what way climate change may alter the conditions of international security. From this perspective, the initial effects of climate change will vary according to existing economic, political and social structures in different world regions. Organised violence is more likely in regions with weak states and conflictual inter-state dynamics than in those characterized by co-operative relations. In the short- to medium term, climate change is unlikely to alter the constitutive structures of international security. However, depending on the severity of climate change, these conditions may change over the long term. Such changes will probably depend on the secondary effects that change has on the world and regional economies. Climate change is unlikely to lead to an increase in conflicts in the short- to medium term, but a long-term development marked by unmitigated climate change could very well have serious consequences for international security. The author argues that, although necessary, mitigation and adaptation measures may have consequences for international politics.
2021
Climate change has facilitated rapid ice-melting in the Arctic Ocean, giving way to a changing geopolitical landscape. As Joachim Weber (2020:vi) mentions, “traditional style rivalries of great powers are being revived” as the Arctic, once frozen and uninviting, becomes increasingly accessible and useful. The aim of this paper is to use a realist perspective in order to explain the geopolitical implications of climate change in the Arctic. On the one hand, the balance-of-power politics is returning as Russia has the Arctic melt to their benefit by increasing its military and economic activity, and China has prioritized strategic attentiveness in the region. However, on the other hand, a security dilemma may be unfolding as the US’s growing mistrust and fear has caused the US to increase its influence in the region as well.
IJASS JOURNAL, 2022
Climate change has grown into a major contemporary and future threat to international security with the potential of resulting in the extinction of humanity and other living organisms if not addressed as a matter of priority. Efforts towards an international solution to the threat have been made under the framework of the United Nations Climate Change Conferences. However, regardless of the perilous future of a climate polluted the universe the major powers responsible for the major part of the pollution have not been sincerely committed to implementing initiatives towards reducing the environmental pollution. This can be attributed to the prioritization of self-serving national interests at the expense of global security. International relations are a vicious circle permeated by both direct and indirect power politics and the United Nations Climate Change Conferences are not spared. The powerful nations with international influence use power politics to frustrate internationally beneficial initiatives agreed upon during the conferences in order to protect national interests. This paper suggests that the major powers who also happen to be largely responsible for global warming should take a leading role in the implementation of remedial initiatives. The international community should prioritise the realisation of respective net-zero commitments as a matter of urgency.
The main purpose of COP21 is to set up a universal climate agreement that will come into force in 2020, bringing together as many countries as possible into the coalition. If some improvements have been achieved since 2011, mainly due to the emergency of the situation, countries’ main motivation to act isn’t the common good, but rather the protection of their own interests. The purpose of this paper is to analyze and prove that global warming isn’t only a matter concerning international institutions through a Humanist approach, but first and foremost a matter for the States’ foreign policy strategy within the international relations arena: the “realpolitik” remains strong whenever global warming is discussed.
This paper investigates the links between climate change, the mechanisms of global political economy and the pattern of relations among states. Robert Cox's critical theory links the elements of production with the structure of the world order through consideration of the interaction among the triad of: material forces, ideas and institutions, together constituting a historical structure subject to transformation through counter-hegemonic forces. World order as used in this study is defined as the pattern of relations among states constituted as a function of global political economy and held in place by means of institutional hegemony. Thus the impending change in world order due to climate change, in the limited sense of this research, represents a potential change in the structure of global political economy. The paper hypothesizes that the emerging discourses on climate change have the potential to unleash sufficiently powerful social forces to impact the structure of global political economy. The paper takes world order (or the structure of global political economy) as a level of analysis for interaction between the human and the natural world as well as the object of transformation through this interaction. Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony and counter-hegemony is used to investigate three climate change discourses with the potential respectively of maintaining, transitioning and transforming the World Order. The paper concludes that the prevailing order is untenable and will either transition over time or will transform, if it meets the projections of its associated discourse.
Sustainability, 2011
Using Pakistan and the Arctic as examples, this article examines security challenges arising from climate change. Pakistan is in crisis, and climate change, a transnational phenomenon perhaps better characterized as radical enviro-transformation, is an important reason. Its survival as a state may depend to great extent on how it responds to 2010's devastating floods. In the Arctic, the ice cap is melting faster than predicted, as temperatures there rise faster than in almost any other region. Unmanaged, a complex interplay of climate-related conditions, including large-scale "ecomigration", may turn resource competition into resource conflict. Radical enviro-transformation has repeatedly overborne the resilience of societies. War is not an inevitable by-product of such transformation, but in the 21st Century climate-related instability, from resource scarcity and "ecomigration", will likely create increasingly undesirable conditions of insecurity. Weak and failing states are one of today's greatest security challenges. The pace of radical enviro-transformation, unprecedented in human history, is accelerating, especially in the Arctic, where a new, open, rich, and accessible maritime environment is coming into being. The international community must work together to enhance security and stability, promote sustainability, and strengthen sovereignty. Radical enviro-transformation provides ample reason and plentiful opportunity for preventative, collaborative solutions focused broadly on adaptation to climate change, most particularly the effects of "ecomigration". Nations must work together across the whole of government and with all instruments of national power to create conditions for human transformation-social, political, and economic-to occur stably and sustainably, so as to avoid or lessen the prospects for and consequences of conflict. Collaborative international solutions to environmental issues, i.e., solutions that mobilize and share technology and resources, will build nations and build peace. The military, through "preventative engagement" will play a more and more important role. Further research and analysis is needed to determine what changes in law and policy
International Affairs, 2001
African Journal of Political Science and International Relations, 2013
Industrialization, modernization and technological breakthrough are posing a greater challenge in contemporary international politics. They have paved a new dimension in the study of international relations and politics in the area of environmental security, cooperation and even interdependence. This paper is a critical theoretical approach to the study of international green politics, encompassing the nature of international cooperation at a collective level towards providing a better solution to the green gas emission. It analyses the politics that holds in the interplay among states as it relates to national interests, group identity and legalistic and moralistic approach to the study of international green politics. it is part of the findings of this paper that, despite the theoretical exposition of political variables from the angles of classical realism, the advanced capitalist countries especially the United States, still maintain the rationality of national interest and what can be economically termed as 'national wealth' rather than the collective bargaining of the united nations; not compromising the national interests with what is obtainable from the outcome of the collective cooperative principles of nation states as they relate to climate change (Kyoto protocol and Copenhagen summit resolutions). The paper concludes that, if the third world countries continue to slumber, the advanced economies of Europe and America will continue to machinate against their population in saving the climate and capitalize on that to create a new global economic and political hegemony, among other things. The paper recommends prudence in dealing with issues that relate to climate change and due consideration be given to the developing states interalia.
Margalla Papers, 2021
Climate change is a reality recognized globally. Although global efforts are accelerating, there are fears in the underdeveloped world regarding the erosion of their sovereignty through climate change action and response mechanisms. Remedial actions taken at various levels are not a compensating reflection of this reality. There is a need to establish a well-thought-out mechanism and support fast-track climate change action and responses. This study, therefore, highlights the impact of climate change action on state sovereignty through in-depth analysis by interviewing climate experts and officials. It reckons that the issue revolves around interference in internal policies through the prism of climate change action incorporating world organisations. It concludes that developing states may have fears regarding the overreach of developed states in their remedial actions, as seen in the Global South and Global North divide.
The fundamental idea of this article is that the enormity and nature of the challenges created by climate change are redefining the understanding and definition of international security. The threats posed by climate change have become considered security threats, especially since 2007. I also argue that an international norm concerning climate change started emerging and became consolidated around the same time. The norm building process occurred due to three elements: a basic international legal regime, constituted since the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), its 1997 Kyoto Protocol (followed by ratification by the majority of states), and the 2009 political framework set out by the Copenhagen Accord. All this was guided by authoritative scientific evidence throughout. The consolidation of an international norm concerning climate change demonstrates that norm internalization processes in treaties do not automatically result in successful norm crystallization. It took a dramatic shift of position in the domestic arena in the United States and other recalcitrant states for the international norm to consolidate. This shift of mood was multilayered: i.e. it included the participation of many actors in society, especially local and state governments, as well as the private sector. Most importantly, the security aspects of climate change became known and this dimension of the debate gained enormous prominence.
Using a critical approach, this essay documents the principles of international law that have an impact on climate change. It then identifies the resources available to States and individuals to demand compliance with climate change obligations and assesses their chances of success. Finally, a new approach is put forward that would help solve conflicts more effectively.
This paper investigates the links between climate change, the mechanisms of global political economy and the pattern of relations among states. Robert Cox's critical theory links the elements of production with the structure of the world order through consideration of the interaction among the triad of: material forces, ideas and institutions, together constituting a historical structure subject to transformation through counter-hegemonic forces. World order as used in this study is defined as the pattern of relations among states constituted as a function of global political economy and held in place by means of institutional hegemony. Thus the impending change in world order due to climate change, in the limited sense of this research, represents a potential change in the structure of global political economy. The paper hypothesizes that the emerging discourses on climate change have the potential to unleash sufficiently powerful social forces to impact the structure of global political economy. The paper takes world order (or the structure of global political economy) as a level of analysis for interaction between the human and the natural world as well as the object of transformation through this interaction. Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony and counter-hegemony is used to investigate three climate change discourses with the potential respectively of maintaining, transitioning and transforming the World Order. The paper concludes that the prevailing order is untenable and will either transition over time or will transform, if it meets the projections of its associated discourse.
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