1998_Tunisia's Economy since Independence.pdf

2017

The Journal of European Economic History , 2021

As regards their recent history, Morocco and Tunisia are often analysed as similar cases studies, owing mainly to the lesser importance of oil revenues compared with the rest of North Africa. This simplistic representation, due in part to the insensitivity of the main international financial institutions (IFIs), IMF and World Bank, to crosscountry differences, would preclude analysis of some of the factors that marked the first phase of the structural redefinition of the two countries and the onset of these processes in the broader context of the crisis and the redefinition of the international economic system starting in the late 1970s and early '80s. From this perspective, and precisely because of the profound differences, the Tunisian and Moroccan cases prove to be complementary. As exogenous as the crises were, so were the solutions proposed, based on identical macro-objectives and theoretical assumptions, although their relative importance varied between the two. In Morocco, the intervention of IMF and World Bank-even in the context of partially discordant agendas-would be determined by the decision to ensure debt service, in line with the general strategy adopted for the debt crisis of medium-income countries, and would result in a policy of austerity and an investment blockade with lasting effects that cast doubt on the effectiveness of the intervention as early as the '90s and eventually made pursuit of the liberalisation side of the two institutions' agenda impossible. In Tunisia, in view of the differences in the GDP and trade balance composition, the intervention of the * The author of §1 is Gaetano Sabatini, the author of §2 and §3 is Vittorio Caligiuri, the authors wrote the Conclusions together.

Indian Journal of Economics and Finance

The Tunisian economic facts after the so-called the Arab spring or social revolution have been marketed by numerous fluctuations and radical changes in the general situation of the management of the administrative affairs of the country. The most prominent of these facts, including the series of chaotic sit-ins and the political and security instability that has increased from 2011 to 2018, note in particular the emergence of the phenomenon of terrorism and assassinations. These negative results are too the expensive cost of the Tunisian national economy, which has been directed, affected by all vital sectors of the country’s economy, especially the tourism, trade and investment sectors. In addition, the increase in excessive wages during the first three years following the revolution and the increasing number of random sit-ins that led to the cessation of the production in the Gafsa phosphate mine and the failure to work for most of the public servants represented negative factors ...

WIDER Working Paper

Typescript prepared by Liisa Roponen at UNU-WIDER. UNU-WIDER gratefully acknowledges the financial contributions to the research programme from the governments of Denmark, Finland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER) was established by the United Nations University (UNU) as its first research and training centre and started work in Helsinki, Finland in 1985. The Institute undertakes applied research and policy analysis on structural changes affecting the developing and transitional economies, provides a forum for the advocacy of policies leading to robust, equitable and environmentally sustainable growth, and promotes capacity strengthening and training in the field of economic, and social policy-making. Work is carried out by staff researchers and visiting scholars in Helsinki and through networks of collaborating scholars and institutions around the world.

Elsevier eBooks, 2006

During the last five decades Tunisia managed to achieve a robust long-run GDP growth of about 5% per year, against 3.5% only, for the MENA region as a whole. However, Tunisia failed to reduce obvious inefficiencies such as high protection, financial repression, and a highly regulated economy in general. The present study attempts to explain why the country was unable to do better in this respect, even though it was a top performer in social modernization and it started its economic reforms relatively early. The study adopts the political economy approach to explain independent Tunisia's development policy choices, based on the theory of collective action and an analysis of contracting problems of representation, coordination, and commitment. The paper draws on some lessons from Tunisia for the other MENA countries. It stresses the importance of women's rights, population control, and modern education. In addition, it refers to the recent examples of Morocco and Kuwait regarding women status reform to argue that action is still possible. It argues that even though no efforts should be spared to get influential groups on board, the reforming governments in MENA today cannot afford to be paralyzed by anti-reform groups-such as Islamist groups in Parliaments-either.

2010

Economic restructuring and total factor productivity growth: Tunisia over the period 1983-2001

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