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Traditional notions of citizenship have focused on formal membership , including access to rights, in a national community. More recent scholarship has expanded this definition beyond citizenship as a legal status to focus on struggles for societal inclusion of and justice for marginalized populations, citizenship as both a social and symbolic boundary of exclusion, and post‐colonial and post‐ national citizenship. In this article, I review conceptions of citizenship that involve more than legal rights. After reviewing this scholarship, I discuss the theoretical framework of cultural citizenship – a move to center the cultural underpinnings of modern citizenship in analyses of citizenship as a boundary of inclusion and exclusion. I use the example of France as one site to locate the connections between citizenship and culture and the cultural underpinnings and implications of citizenship more broadly.
Cultural Dynamics, 2023
Based on past and current ethnographic research and interviews with ethnic minorities in the Parisian metropolitan region, I argue that despite France's colorblind and Republican ethos, France's "visible minorities" function under a "suspect citizenship" in which their full societal belonging is never granted. I focus on the growing problem of state violence against ethnic minorities which reveals how France is creating a "bright boundary" (Alba 2005) between whites and non-whites, furthering disparate outcomes based on race and ethnic origin. By considering the multifaceted dimensions of citizenship and belonging in France, I demonstrate the limitations of full societal inclusion for France's non-white denizens and how French Republicanism continues to mark, rather than erase, racial and ethnic distinctions.
One of the trends in the recent political and social discourse is increasing confluence of culture and citizenship. Until about the late 1980s multiculturalism and citizenship performed quite different functions. While citizenship was defined by birth and embodied the process of incorporation into the political unity, multiculturalism dealt with incoming migrants. Today citizenship looks more as a social status guarantying security and at the same time as a specific identity. Despite a fan of approaches and academic works around the main concern of citizenship is as being based on binary differences, which create a cultural foundation. So cultural citizenship is considered as the process of cultural discourse construction than as accommodation in polity. It is not entirely about formal rights (even minority rights as we see in multiculturalism), but is a matter of participation in a community.
The Routledge Companion to Northeast India, edited by Jelle J.P. Wouters and Tanka B. Subba, 2022
Academia Letters, 2021
The crisis of citizenship in democratic countries is a topic that I am accustomed to study and that I have developed in a recent book [1]. A definitive definition of the concept is hazardous as it continuously evolves across the centuries. It is presently caught in the crossfire between two emerging trends: the diversification of the public sphere with the extension of critical analysis, and on the other side the growth of various kinds of cosmopolitism. The leading classes became aware progressively of the depreciation of the notion of citizenship and of the need to fill the gap of an ideological perspective and of the necessity of an admitted goal for a large majority of the population throughout the diverse tendencies. In France the idea has been secularism (laïcité), meaning that the religious influences must be set aside to maintain an ideal social live. The problem is that these religious influences often stem from the various cultural backgrounds of the local population. This subjective concept is, however, not a concrete goal, unable to bring about a real craze generating an operational response in case of emergency. The only worthy project is democracy, while staying aware of the diversity of identities, political and ideological choices within the Nation-State. Democracy has been confronted with a constant evolution of the concept of the fundamental rights. In his classical work T M. Marshall [2] suggested a historic outline of this evolution. In the 18th century citizenship was based on the recognition of civil rights: freedom of expression, equality before the law, property rights. In the 19th century political rights were added, mainly the different voting rights. The 20th century marked the start of social rights with the welfare state, especially the right to have an education. We are witnessing now the rising power of cultural rights, which could be the hallmark of the 21st century. According to Guy Rocher [3] it means the right for the minorities to the respect of their identity, traditions, language, artistic and historical heritage. This may include the right to have a school education of their language, culture and religion. Contrary to the civil, political and social rights, which were a
Stokke, K. (2017). Politics of Citizenship: Towards an Analytical Framework. Norwegian Journal of Geography 71(4): 193-207.
In the theory-oriented article, the author discusses the meaning of politics of citizenship. He argues that a broad conception of citizenship may provide an integral framework for studying political contentions over cultural, legal, social and political exclusion and inclusion. He starts out from an identification of four key dimensions of citizenship and defines politics of citizenship as contentious interactions over the institutionalisation and realisation of substantive membership, legal status, rights and participation. This is followed by a review of cultural and global turns within the liberal nation-state model of citizenship, demonstrating that the form and substance of citizenship reflect contextual power relations and political contentions. Following from this observation, he discusses the issues at stake in citizenship politics, with special attention to three interrelated dimensions: politics of recognition for cultural inclusion, politics of redistribution for social justice, and politics of representation for political inclusion. This discussion points to fundamental tensions and strategic dilemmas, but also to points of convergence around affirmative and transformative remedies for injustice.
2021
The concept of citizenship and it's correlation to nationality is certainly sui generis. The very essence of this concept of citizenship circumvents the possibility of membership in the intangible legal community of the nation which oftenly needs the intervention of theories of citizenship attached thereon. In this regard, the bond between a state and a citizen cannot be ignored, as it brings about the inherency and entitlement between a state and its persons. In any jurisdiction, the legal nature of citizenship tells of an antidote of the relationship between rights and duties and the corresponding obligations by states by virtue of the sovereignty of a people. In the end, this doesn't befit any other description other than the right to own rights in that jurisdiction obligatory upon the state to fulfill them. That in essence is the concept of citizenship that this paper will interrogate.
"Concepts of citizenship have been formulated and thought about for centuries, from Plato and Aristotle to more recent accounts by the likes of Jürgen Habermas and Michael Ignatieff. All of them rely on a particular and divisive view of human nature. The division generalises between those who think that people can lead themselves and those who think that people need to be led by others. But such a division relies on both a misreading of human nature and the classical literature of citizenship and democratic theory. I intend to chart the development of the definition of citizenship and how the theory of citizenship differs from the actuality of citizenship. Part of this process will involve examining and clarifying the various misreadings of citizenship, which continue to this day. Once this is accomplished, it is then possible to look at how the theory of citizenship acts as a “conceptual cover” for the practice of citizenship. States use this “conceptual cover” to discriminate against some of their citizenry. That is, they undermine or completely negate the citizenship rights of some of their citizens, whilst at the same time claiming to respect equally the rights of all citizens under their jurisdiction. How they utilise this cover will be examined in detail within the context of a new theory of citizenship."
Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, 2013
Since the 1990s the idea of global, cosmopolitan, multicultural and cultural citizenship gained prominence. The notion of cultural citizenship originally suggested inclusiveness and diversity. It intended to recognise cultural rights of various groups in society, in other words multi-ethnicity and diversity. This inclusive notion has been challenged lately, and increasingly it also has been interpreted in the opposite way. The contradictory readings of this concept, for instance in various Member States of the European Union, question its usefulness. The focus on the cultural dimension of citizenship might even prove risky. Only a broad, "comprehensive" understanding of citizenship can reflect the interconnectedness and multiplicity of political, social and cultural ties between the citizen and the polity.
2017
While societies have never been socially and culturally homogeneous, postcolonial and post-Cold War migration have provoked a sense of ever-increasing cultural, linguistic, religious and ethnic diversification – some even say “super-diversification” (Vertovec 2007) – in spite of homogenizing tendencies due to globalization. These processes of globalization and cultural diversification seem to generate both a “closure of identities” (Geschiere and Meyer 1999), with discourses of nationalism, separatism, autochthony (Geschiere 2009; Ceuppens and Geschiere 2005) and “homogeneism” (Blommaert and Verschueren 1991), and imageries of cosmopolitanism, multiculturalism and hybridity. In this context, citizenship has emerged as a vibrant area of research for scholars across a wide range of fields, making important contributions to our understanding of shifting configurations of belonging. This issue of COLLeGIUM presents a selection of extended papers presented at the HCAS Symposium on “Citiz...
Law & Social Inquiry, 1994
2012
The institution of citizenship has traditionally been understood as equal membership of a political community. Developments in the Theory and Practice of Citizenship comes at a time when this is undergoing a period of intense scrutiny. Academics have questioned the extent to which we can refer to unified, homogeneous national citizenries in a world characterised by globalisation, international migration, socio-cultural pluralism and regional devolution, whilst on the other hand in political practice we find the declared Death of Multiculturalism, policy-makers urging for active, responsible citizens, and members of social movements calling for a more equitative, equal and participatory democracy. Citizenship is being reassessed and redefined both from above and from below in politics and society. The contributions to this volume engage in analysis of the processes which are bringing about an evolution of our understanding of citizenship and the individual s relationship to the state, the polity and globalisation. Through empirical case studies, they highlight how in practice the terms of membership of a citizenry are negotiated in society through laws, political discourse, cultural associations, participatory processes, rituals and ceremonies. In doing so, these contributions offer an illustration of the diversity of venues and processes of citizenship and illustrate the benefits of an understanding of citizenship as a social practice. The book thus provides an opportunity to pose theoretical, practical and moral questions relating to these issues, as well as offering avenues for further research in the future.
Questions of citizenship and national identity are very closely related since the former commands the definition and representation of the nation, that is national identity itself, and addresses the jurisdictional process that led to specific legislation being formed, which gradually brought about the determination of legal distinctions between citizens and foreigners. From this perspective, what was this process in French modern history after the collapse of the monarchy and the establishment of a new republican model in 1792? Indeed, contrary to what has been argued in the political debate of the last twenty years, the ‘right of soil’ or jus soli – which means for those born on national territory the legitimate right to become French in due time – did not prevail over the ‘right of blood’ or jus sanguinis – which allows only the children of Frenchmen to claim French nationality – over a long period of our modern and more recent history. This chapter has three aims. Firstly, to explain broadly how the French nationhood has been defined over the last two centuries; secondly, to reveal the vicissitudes of a legal process that finally led to the French people becoming a ‘melting pot’ of nations from the beginning of the 20th century until today, and thirdly, to show how the definition and limitation of citizenship suffered considerably from the changing economical and politi- cal context, especially during the Second World War and, from the 1970s in a long period of economical and social crisis. The conclusion will question the legitimacy and consistency of the French model of integration and also the French ‘melting pot’ issue that is the crucial question of national identity.
French Politics, 2019
This special issue engages with the "cultural backlash hypothesis"-that citizens dissatisfied with democratic regimes tend to support the emergence of non representative democracy. The first article challenges classical notions of citizenship and shows that critical citizens actually call for more competent representatives. The second piece asserts that critical citizenship is more complex than what previous research has shown and that only certain types of citizenship are more likely to result in protest votes. As the introduction points out, the two pieces together paint a far more complex picture of citizenship than previously understood through an innovative approach that combines normative political theory with survey research in a country setting. A new research agenda that comes out of these findings is also proposed.
This article takes a critical look at equality and the masked instances of exclusion throughout citizenship theorising. One way this is done is to examine the spaces for democratic citizenship and how citizens are supposed to engage in this space; the goal of a common good allows for the deconstruction of abstract conceptions. This analysis highlights the gendering of spaces and practices, structural inequalities marginalising citizens, and concerns arising from a universal idea of citizenship values. The status of citizen is assigned to those able to measure up as a ‘good’ or ‘active’ citizen, and consequently the rights received reflect the duties performed. However this conception is modelled off a very small percentage of the population and does not deal with structural barriers limiting an individual’s agency to actively participate. In our increasingly globalised world, citizenship theorising needs to broaden its horizons and embrace fluid and diverse identities, but this introduces questions of maintaining a shared citizen sentiment. Future discussions will need to tackle issues of diversity and inequality, as well as continuing to build on T.H. Marshall’s social, political, and civil rights, as these are increasingly not enough for all citizens; their implementation and definition need to be expanded.
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