Appendix: Biography of the Women Leaders

2012

Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & …, 2003

On August 31, 2018, the Women, Peace and Security Network – Canada (WPSN-C) released their latest publication, reflecting on and critically reviewing the latest Canadian National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (the C-NAP). The publication, Women, Peace and Security in the Age of Feminist Foreign Policy: Reflections on Canada’s New National Action Plan, explores the long-awaited second iteration of the C-NAP, as the first expired in March of 2016. Since then, Canada has engaged with feminist issues, including the Women, Peace and Security Agenda, on the national and international stage many times: with the International Assistance Review, the House of Commons Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development, and the Defence Policy Review. Not to mention the political attention paid to feminism through Prime Minister Trudeau’s Liberal government raising the concept and approach as a necessity in Canada and on the world stage. The publication recognizes the great strides that have been taken between the first iteration and the second C-NAP, noting how it demonstrates a more sophisticated analysis, situated in feminist academic literature and the global feminist foreign policy discussion, exploring the links between security, gender inequalities and women’s rights. Yet the authors also recognize that key issues are lacking in the new C-NAP, and remain unacknowledged: there are concerns regarding overall policy coherence, reporting and implementation capabilities, whether lessons have been learned from specific country and industry contexts, and the lack of targeted budgets for women, peace and security. With the new C-NAP, the development of a new Action Plan Advisory Group, co-chaired by the WPSN-C, has been formalized to hold the Canadian government accountable on its WPS initiatives. In support of this new relationship, this publication aims to contribute critical and knowledgeable analysis, and carry the discussion forward as Canada focuses on the implementation of its new C-NAP and the first progress report expected in September.

2015

Skills Women Bring to the Position of Chief of Police by Jo-Ann Savoie MA, Royal Roads University, 2009 BA, The University of Western Ontario, 1992 Doctoral Study Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Business Administration Walden University December 2015

2010

That the Standing Senate Committee on Human Rights be authorized to examine and monitor issues relating to human rights and, inter alia, to review the machinery of government dealing with Canada's international and national human rights obligations; That the papers and evidence received and taken and work accomplished by the committee on this subject since the beginning of the First session of the Thirty-seventh Parliament be referred to the committee; and That the committee submit its final report to the Senate no later than June 30, 2010. The question being put on the motion, it was adopted.

Topic: Using examples from the course, discuss the relationship of representation, citizenship and identity in Canada. In your answer, address the different meanings or aspects of representation discussed in class (voice/image) and the ways in which the intersectionality of gender, race, class and sexuality impacts the quality and quantity of representation we achieve.

an executive summary of recent research on leadership development for a sample of women engineers in British Columbia Canada

Governance, 1999

Historically not only have women cabinet ministers in Western democracies been few in number, but they have generally been limited to "women's ministries" such as education, health, social services, and culture. This article systematically investigates the responsibilities and prestige of portfolios that women cabinet ministers in the ten Canadian provinces have held over a 21-year period, 1976-1997, an era in which their share of cabinet positions rose from less than 4% to almost 25%. Although still concentrated in traditional women's ministries, they have diversified the portfolios they hold. Using a tri-fold classification of portfolios into (1) important, (2) middle range, and (3) junior positions, we find that women increasingly have achieved more prestigious portfolios, perhaps a reflection of the reduced number of cabinet positions in the 1990s and more concerted attempts to promote women. But the law of increasing disproportion still exists, at least in overall terms of the relative prestige of cabinet positions. In party leadership, in senior administrative posts, in parliaments and in governments, the few women included concentrate on specialized matters, such as health, education, motherhood, family welfare, housing, etc.-that is, on all problems which, in the general opinion, are considered to be of special interest to women (Duverger 1955, 123-124). Within each strategic elite the proportion of women declines as we move from lower to higher strata (Putnam 1976, 36).