" Understanding Middle Easterners and Arab Americans "

Sociological Forum, 2011

It has now been more than a decade since the terrible events of September 11, 2001. These events affected the lives of all Americans, but few more than the growing number of Americans of Middle-Eastern origin. Indeed, it is probably not much of an exaggeration to suggest that among the many results of ''9 ⁄ 11'' was the creation of a new minority group. It is thus a useful moment to review what we know about America's Middle-Eastern origin and Muslim populations and to give some thought to role these communities will play in the future, both in the United States and in the Middle East. Prior to 2001, Middle-Eastern Americans were generally regarded as well integrated into U.S. society. They were largely middle class, well educated, and, while they did not fit easily into U.S. racial categories, they were generally seen as ''white'' (more or less) and displayed only modest levels of group consciousness. ''9 ⁄ 11'' changed all that. The result was a kind of ethnogenesis under fire in which events in the United States, Europe, and the Middle East helped crystallize an ethnoreligious identity. Of course, this new group is still evolving. Questions of definition and boundaries remain largely open. In particular, the U.S. ''war on terror'' and the reactions to Islamic fundamentalism call into question the role of Islam in Western societies as well as the ''racialization'' of Muslims in both the United States and Europe. Jose Casanova recently commented that in Germany in the 1970s there were ''many Turks but no Muslims.'' Today, ''Muslims'' abound and are, as Muslims (even more than as Turks or Kurds), playing a particular role in the national debate over multiculturalism. It matters little that many of these ''Muslims'' are not actually religious. Islam has increasingly surpassed national, ethnic, regional, and linguistic identities in the public imagination, and perhaps in minds of the Muslims themselves. In the United States, this is somewhat less the case. Yet here, too, despite the fact that most U.S. Muslims are not of Middle-Eastern origin and that many Middle-Eastern Americans are not Muslim, religion increasingly plays a role analogous to that of race and ethnicity.

Global Politics, 2024

Understanding Arab culture and the values based on it are the crucial points for the proper understanding of the modern region of MENA (composed of the Middle East and North Africa) and its fundamental features. Nevertheless, it must be noticed that all people in the region of MENA are not Arabs like Turks, Jews, some North African tribes, or Iranians. The Arab League (or the League of Arab States) is composed of 22 Arab countries. Even though Arab states are, in fact, from a very cultural viewpoint considered to be Middle Eastern (in a broader sense), not all of them belong to the Middle East (in a narrow sense), and not all Middle Eastern or MENA countries are Arab. Another focal feature of the Arab world is that not all member states have similar attitudes, communications, behaviors, traditions, etc. There are, for instance, Muslim Arab states such as Mauritania, Sudan, or Somalia in which tribal languages are usually spoken rather than Arabic followed by many cultural traditions founded on the local African customs and heritage. We also have to keep in mind the very fact that not all Arabs are Muslims as there are those Middle Eastern Arabs who are Christians (in Lebanon, for instance). However, the Arab nations are composed of an overwhelming Muslim (Sunni or Shia) majority. The next feature we have to take about is that Arabs are an ethnic category of broader Semitic people (Jews are Semites too), while the term Muslim determines religious belief and confessional orientation. Nonetheless, the reference to Arabs is, basically, directed to separate people who possess a unique pattern of behaving founded on their special type of culture, tradition, religion, language, and customs. However, the Arab people do not all look or dress alike and should not be stereotyped. It has to be stressed that Arabs are not a race, skin color, nationality, or Muslim. By the authentic pre-Islamic time, an Arab was an inhabitant of the Arabian Peninsula, a member of some of many nomadic Bedouin tribes but at the time of the expansion of Arabian Islam, Arabs brought their new religion, language, and culture to the region of the Middle East and North Africa and beyond (like to the Iberian Peninsula), mixing it with the conquered peoples from Spain and Portugal to Persia.

It is not possible to understand the facts and issues related to the Arab world without having a correct comprehension of a more universal issue i.e. the concept of being an Arab. Although Arabs have many differences and contradictions among them, they still enjoy enough common points to feel completely distinguished from others. These common points cause almost the same problems and issues in different parts of Arab world. More importantly, all Arabs are aware of these commonalities and feel proud of them. This awareness causes a kind of sympathy and feeling of having the same fate and destiny. These common points and awareness of them are the strongest and the most influential factors in creating their thoughts, feelings, beliefs, goals, ideals and dreams. In order to be in contact with Arabs, it is significantly important to know what being an Arab means to them. Without such, one cannot have fruitful and constructive cooperation with them. In short, there are two different and somehow opposing meanings for being Arab. One meaning is prevalent among the Muslim grassroots, the lay people, and Muslim thinkers and writers. The threat of the West is an element that strengthens this feeling amongst them. The shared feeling of being disrespected and humiliated by Western colonialists for more than a century is one reason for causing these commonalities. This sympathy was stronger in the last decades and today it is the feeling of being invaded by Western culture and civilization. Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and later appeal for help from the U.S was a "Great Shock" for Arabs and aggravated their hard emotional situation. In their understanding, not only Mecca but the whole Arabic peninsula is sacred and non-believers are not welcomed there. Thus, the request of the Arab rulers for American non-believers to come there was felt by the Muslim Arabs as a great shame. This is one of the reasons that the movement of Zarqawi and his like were admired at that time and regarded as Muslim heroes Muslims fighting against the Americans in Iraq. This feeling about being an Arab is not based on cultural or political thoughts, but is a very attractive, emotional consideration and is something like being relatives. The common religion, history, culture, and especially language are what cause this feeling. Language is of great significance here. Besides the excellent potentialities that the Ar-abic language has in forming the personality and psychological characteristics of Arabs, it is also a sacred language. Certainly, Arabs are the only nation that is influenced by its language to such extent. Islam as a religion is also involved in forming this feeling. Islamic unity was present in their minds over the recent century. They say Ar-abic unity is the key to Islamic unity, especially when they feel sorry for the loss of their power and the caliphate and golden era, and this is clearly presented in their literature. Arab Sheikhdoms appeal a lot to this concept in order to generalize their problem with a non-Arab country to be with all Arabs, and in so doing they receive support from their fellows. The second meaning and concept of being Arab was noticed by the enlightened and educated class in the Arab world, be it Muslims or Christians, and especially the Arab rulers and diplomats. This concept of being Arab is predominant in their university culture and the political atmosphere. Though its intensity differs from country to another , their foreign policy is first and foremost formed around this concept. Basically, this concept is the result of being introduced to Western nationalism and in many cases it was emphasized by the colonialists.

Encyclopedia of Multicultural America, 2013

Racial segregation has been and still is a problem in America. The American people have continually secluded black Americans as well persons of Middle East decent over the centuries. This segregation is taken into both color and religion and manifests in the form of many double standards whereby the other racial groups are allowed some privileges while the two ethnic groups mentioned above are barred from enjoying these privileges. Endless debates have been staged on the matter to no avail because infringement upon the rights of blacks and those of Asians has continued as always. Remarkably, media houses take credit for most of the segregation against these groups. Not all broadcasting stations air true and unbiased information, such that some of the media stations can be sited as agents of segregation. In particular, the media has served to spread untrue information on the imminent threat posed by Asians and Arabs, an act that has impacted negatively on the way the rest of society approaches people who belong in this racial group. Over the years, western European countries have often looked down upon Arabs and Jews. Despite all being white, there has been a rift between these groups. The marginalization of these eastern countries has continued to exist despite the dawning of a new age where seclusion is viewed as backward and uncivilized. As for groups from the eastern world, the distinguishing factor is religion, such that one gets approached depending on whether or not they are a Surname 1

After long days with our teachers who were all, as I recall, ethnically European Christian people, the same kind of people who belonged to the culture that we watched on TV, we went back home. As soon as we walked over the threshold into our house, we walked into Yemen. In this Yemeni world, I had a certain role to play based on my gender. I was very protected and worried about. Every day before I went off to school, my mother would remind me not to play with boys because they were very bad and had nothing better to do than take advantage of girls and ruin their reputations. I believed her and stayed away from boys. … My mother often told me that if I did not learn how to cook and keep house, my husband would divorce me. Because she was sincerely worried that I would be of no use as a wife without these skills, she began training me when I was ten years old, so that by the time I became a teenager, and was old enough to marry, I would be able to cook for my husband.

Journal of Communication, 2007

This qualitative inquiry explores how self-identified Arabs living in the United States express their collective identities in talk. Twenty-one participant observations, 50 interviews, and 4 group discussions were conducted with first- and second-generation Arabs of Druze, Muslim, and Christian faiths. Identity labels were identified as a means of communication for expressing collective identities. The participants in this study identified themselves as a heterogeneous group with intersecting and evolving collective identities that were affirmed and refuted in social interactions. Self-identification as “Arab,”“Arab American,”“Muslim,” or “Iraqi” depended on such situational factors as audience, physical setting, and September 11. Although some respondents dropped the label “Arab” after September 11 to avoid discrimination, others started to self-identify as “Arab American.” The findings add to the literature on culture, identity, and communication by illustrating the importance of identity terms for personal and communal relationships, problematizing the definition of large identity groups a priori as ethnic, national, or cultural, describing the social and communicative consequences of self- and other-ascribed identities, and highlighting the impact of September 11 on Arab identity expressions in the United States.L‘expression située des identités collectives arabes aux États-UnisCette recherche qualitative étudie la façon dont les personnes vivant aux États-Unis et s’identifiant comme arabes expriment leurs identités collectives par le langage. 21 observations participantes, 50 entrevues et quatre discussions de groupes furent menées avec des Arabes de première et de deuxième générations, de confessions druze, musulmane et chrétienne. Les étiquettes identitaires furent identifiées comme un moyen de communication servant à exprimer les identités collectives. Les participants à cette étude se sont identifiés comme un groupe hétérogène aux identités collectives qui se croisent et évoluent, identités qui furent affirmées et réfutées dans les interactions sociales. Les auto-identifications en tant qu’« Arabe », « Arabe-Américain », « musulman » ou « Irakien » dépendaient de facteurs situationnels tels le public, l‘emplacement matériel ou le 11 septembre. Alors que certains répondants ont laissé tomber le qualificatif d’« Arabe » après le 11 septembre afin d’éviter la discrimination, d’autres ont commencéà s‘identifier comme « Arabes-Américains ». Les résultats contribuent à la littérature sur la culture, l’identité et la communication en illustrant l‘importance des termes identitaires pour les relations personnelles et collectives, en problématisant la définition de grands groupes identitaires comme étant a priori ethniques, nationaux ou culturels, en décrivant les conséquences sociales et communicationnelles des identités attribuées de soi et des autres et en faisant ressortir l’impact qu‘a eu le 11 septembre sur l’expression de l‘identité arabe aux États-Unis.Der Ausdruck arabischer Kollektivdentitäten in den Vereinigten StaatenDiese qualitative Studie untersucht, wie in den USA lebende Araber, die sich selbst als solche identifizieren, ihre kollektiven Identitäten in Gesprächen ausdrücken. Dazu wurden 21 teilnehmende Beobachtungen, 50 Interviews und 4 Gruppendiskussionen mit Arabern (Druse, Moslem, Christen) der ersten und zweiten Generation durchgeführt. Identitätslabels wurden als Mittel der Kommunikation zum Ausdruck kollektiver Identitäten identifiziert. Die Teilnehmer der Studie bezeichneten sich selbst als eine heterogene Gruppe, mit sich überschneidenden und sich entwickelnden kollektiven Identitäten, die in sozialer Interaktion bestätigt oder widerlegt werden. Die Selbstidentifizierung als ”Araber“, Amerikanischer Araber“, ”Moslem“ oder ”Iraki“ hing von situationalen Faktoren wie Publikum, physische Umgebung oder dem 11. September ab. Während einige Teilnehmer das Label ”Araber” nach dem 11. September aufgaben, um Diskriminierung zu vermeiden, begannen andere, sich als ”Amerikanische Araber” zu bezeichnen. Diese Ergebnisse ergänzen die Literatur zu Kultur, Identität und Kommunikation, indem sie die Bedeutung von Identifikationstermini für persönliche und kommunale Beziehungen illustrieren. Sie problematisieren eine a priori Definition von großen Identitätsgruppen als ethnische, nationale oder kulturelle Gruppen und beschreiben die sozialen und kommunikativen Konsequenzen von selbst- und fremdzugeschriebenen Identitäten. Ebenfalls betonen sie den Einfluss des 11. September auf den Ausdruck einer arabischer Identität in den USA.La Expresión Situada de las Identidades Colectivas de los Árabes en los Estados UnidosEsta investigación cualitativa explora cómo aquellos individuos auto-identificados como Árabes viviendo en los Estados Unidos expresan sus identidades colectivas en la conversación. Veintiuna observaciones participativas, 50 entrevistas, y 4 discusiones de grupo fueron conducidos con primera y segunda generación de Árabes de religión Druze, Musulmana, y Cristiana. Los rótulos de identidad fueron identificadas como un medio de comunicación para la expresión de identidades colectivas. Los participantes en este estudio se identificaron así mismos como un grupo heterogéneo con cruzadas y transformadas identidades colectivas que fueron afirmadas y refutadas en las interacciones sociales. La auto-identificación como “Árabe,”“Árabe Americano,”“Musulmán,”ó“Iraquí” dependió de factores situacionales como la audiencia, el ambiente físico, y el 11 de Septiembre. Mientras que algunos participantes abandonaron el rótulo de “Árabe” después del 11 de Septiembre para evitar discriminación, otros comenzaron a auto-identificarse como “Árabe Americano.” Estos hallazgos agregan a la literatura sobre cultura, identidad y comunicación ilustrando la importancia de los términos de identidad para las relaciones personales y comunales, problematizando la definición de identidad de grandes grupos a priori como etnias, nacionales ó culturales, describiendo las consecuencias sociales y comunicativas de la auto adscripción y la adscripción de identidades hechas por otros, y resaltando el impacto del 11 de Septiembre sobre la expresión de la identidad Árabe en los Estados Unidos.

Journal of Mental Health …, 2007

The last century has seen an increase in the population of Americans of Arab and Chaldean descent. In recent decades, clinicians have articulated the goal of enhancing their knowledge of cultural diversity for the purpose of improving their appreciation for diversity and the quality of their mental health interventions with diverse populations. However, there is currently little systematic empirical research regarding the counseling of Arab and Chaldean Americans, although awareness of the need for such research among mental health professionals has started to emerge. The purpose of this paper is to provide an integrative review of the values and socio-cultural forces that are relevant to the counseling of this population in North America, and to provide some culturally sensitive recommendations for working with American families of Arab and Chaldean ethnicity. In particular, we propose that effective interventions with clients of Arab and Chaldean ethnic backgrounds will need to be informed by an understanding of the everyday sociopolitical contextual background of target clients and the impact of values and acculturation processes on the family network. In recent years, Western scholars have developed an appreciation for "diversity" and "multiculturalism," resulting in increasing attempts to learn about various ethnic groups, including those of Arab and Chaldean descent, and to incorporate this understanding into their culturally sensitive psychotherapy with families (e.g., McGoldrick, Giordano, & Pearce, 1996; McGoldrick, Giordano, & Garcia-Preto, 2005). Like the terms often used for other groups such as Hispanic, European, Asian, Native and African American, the term "Arab American" encompasses many different groups whose heterogeneity stands in contrast to the much promulgated notion of cultures as unique and homogeneous (Miller, 1997). The term Arab is used to refer to Arabic speaking people from the Middle East. Because the modern Middle East represents diverse