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My research focuses on communication and cooperation among groups that differ along key cleavages (e.g., ethnicity, nationality, religion, sexuality). What kinds of organizations sustain interaction across cleavages and foster key liberal-democratic virtues (e.g., tolerance, trust)? More broadly, what are the determinants of dialogic, democratic politics among different groups and nations? I address these questions using multiple methods (e.g., survey data, content analysis, case study, ethnography) and in a variety of settings (e.g., East Asia, North America). Since 2013, I have ten SSCI-indexed journal articles published or forthcoming.
2013
The dissertation aims to contribute to the explanation of internal inter-group conflict, more narrowly of the conflict between majority and minority communal groups. It develops arguments that suggest the importance of inter-group economic inequality in bringing about inter-group hostility, and works toward providing empirical support for this causal connection by primarily relying on a large-N cross-national research design. This design culminates in multivariate regression models. Because of data availability issues, the task of addressing multiple potential determinants of the inter-group conflict advocated in the literature has been implemented by involving three datasets, of which two serve group-level analyses and one confines itself to the country level. The datasets are compilations of previous scholarly work, mainly based on the Ethnic Power Relations, Minorities at Risk (MAR), and Quality of Government data, with the addition of some new measurements, such as the main explanatory variable, economic inequality. Findings from all three datasets support the impact of horizontal economic inequality on inter-group hostility, measured either as group grievance or violent conflict. This double measurement of the inter-group conflict, as grievance and as violence, answers an intuition that not all low-to-medium strength hostility is doomed to develop into violent conflict. In fortunate conditions, the issues can be solved, or compromises may be reached without turning to violence. A large number of variables in the regression models operationalize constellations that influence the evolution of conflicts toward either peaceful solutions or armed collision. In general, the models provide support for previous expectations promoted in the literature regarding the beneficial impact of democracy and political equality of the groups, but also for the adverse impact of the opportunities for insurrection. Some institutional variables have been defined in ways that they allow for distinguishing between the outcomes of two brands of policies recommended for heterogeneous societies, as advised by Lijphart and Horowitz. Further benefits from the project include the construction of an almost complete list of communal groups worldwide, with 860 groups, which usefully contextualizes MAR's selection of 282 minority groups. Data also allowed for comparing the causes of communal and social conflicts.
Examines the issues of ethnicity and its relationship to ethnopolitical conflict. Builds a theory
Camaraderie vs. Dissent. A Sociolinguistic Comparative Analysis of Same-Gender Interviews and Opposite-Gender Interviews across Political Divides, 2023
Using sociolinguistic and communication theories as a framework, this article will analyze excerpts from two same-sex, and two opposite-sex interviews, each with different conversational trajectories and outcomes. One of each pair of interviews under scrutiny features interlocutors of differing political ideologies, whereas the others are conversations between people of contiguous political leanings. Using insights from sociolinguistics, the four different group interactions will be shown to either progress and develop coherent arguments or digress and devolve into incoherent disagreements. Conversational camaraderie (considerateness) or dissent (agonism) between the interlocutors (in terms of rapport-talk, report-talk, genderlect, idiolect, the overall effectiveness of communication, etc.) will be considered.
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 2019
Why do some organizations representing ethnic minorities receive outside diplomatic support from intergovernmental organizations (IGOs)? This article analyses ethnopolitical organizations in the Middle East from 1980 to 2004. The analysis explores two different possible answers. First, IGOs are guided by normative principles and are inclined to support ethnopolitical organizations that have democratic characteristics. Second, IGOs are guided by practical concerns, and choose to support those organizations that have the most influence. Although the analysis finds evidence for both the normative and strategic views, the variables associated with the strategic view have a larger substantive effect on the probability of support.
ABSTRACT This chapter theorizes, and provides field-based illustrations, about new ways to foster intergroup collaboration beginning first with intragroup conflict engagement. While the author has been experimenting with these ideas and practices for many years, this chapter represents still early efforts to lay out an agenda for systematic research and experimentation. I hypothesize that by successfully engaging internal conflicts about outgroups within ingroups, sides may separately become more willing and able to successfully and interactively solve shared problems and achieve superordinate goals between them. History is filled with attempts at cooperation between antagonistic groups whether through negotiated agreement, functional cooperation, promoting positive contact and attitudes, and so forth that have led instead to worsening attitudes and renewed confrontation. Even when polarized groups decide to cooperate to achieve superordinate goals (Sherif, 1966) they are often unable to make this leap from conflict to collaboration. I posit that this may be in Intersectionality and Social Change Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Volume 37, 107123 Copyright r 2014 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 0163-786X/doi:10.1108/S0163-786X20140000037004 107 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 part because inadequate attention is paid first to intragroup conflict dynamics vis-a`-vis outgroups.
2019
False information has always been used as a weapon in conflicts. It exacerbates existent tribalism and polarizations in social, political, and cultural milieus. This case study of a civil conflict in Ambon, Indonesia, shows how individuals on both sides of the conflict countered such false information. The study found that having a small but diverse network of friends allowed for crowdsourcing information to counter the falsehoods; information that promulgated hatred was treated with circumspection. A collective identity reenergized the Ambonese’s civic spirit, seeding a common goal to keep Ambon safe. The finding suggests that it may be possible to counter false information by promoting interactions with diverse groups, fostering a civic spirit, building a collective identity, and taming individual biases.
Abstract: Does Interreligious Dialogue Strengthen Social Cohesion?: A deliberative democratic framework for the evaluation of interreligious dialogue Interreligious dialogue is broadly, although not universally, seen as an important contributor to social cohesion in multicultural societies. Each day state and federal governments, non-profit organisations, international agencies and concerned individuals worldwide contribute an enormous amount of financial, human and infrastructural resources to various interreligious events and institutions. This is often done with the objective of increasing respect and understanding between participants and, thereby, strengthening social cohesion. However, not all interreligious dialogue endeavours are equally positive contributors to social cohesion; therefore, societies would benefit from the ability to determine the strength of individual dialogue processes and the identification of ways to improve them. This paper proposes the means to do so, modifying the six principles of Dryzek’s discursive model of deliberative democracy--deliberation, ecology, reflexivity, transnationalism, pluralism, and dynamism--to form a framework for the evaluation for interreligious dialogue processes. Deliberative democracy is chosen because its concepts overlap many of the objectives of interreligious dialogue through its emphasis on the dialogue process and its purported public benefits of legitimate outcomes, increased understanding between participants and cohesive communities.
Communication Monographs, 2019
Ethnicity as socially constructed and the implications for managing ethnopolitical conflicts.
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INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AND CONFLICT …