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Abstract Controlling access to firearms was one of the few truly successful Anglo-Irish policies of the eighteenth century and a founding tenant of the penal laws. This thesis examines how a concerted effort to remove access to firearms from the majority Catholic population was largely successful after the end of the Williamite war. Changing imperial priorities in the last four decades of the eighteenth century saw a disbarment policy, which had unified the imperial centre and the settlers on the marches dismantled piecemeal. At the same time, a growing awareness of the potential of the Irish Catholic population as recruits eventually overshadowed fears of the threat of the Catholic population gaining training in the use of arms. The resulting melange of ‘official’ non-enforcement of existing laws and the rise of confessional paramilitaries overlapped with the diffusion of state owned firearms into private ownership in the 1770s and 1780s, which made armed Protestants a threat to order rather than its guarantor. This thesis demonstrates how the gun acted as both a tool of coercive governance and a key component of the ritualized maintenance of a Protestant Ascendancy. Furthermore, it examines the remarkable story of the Catholic resurgence from being the chief domestic threat to the British Empire’s domestic stability into a vital component of its fiscal-military state.
The Military Revolution and Revolutions in Military Affairs, 2023
The modern contention over the extent or even existence of the military revolution has been fractious. Michael Roberts instigated the debate in a lecture given at Queen's University Belfast in 1955. 1 Roberts stated that in the century after 1560, European warfare was transformed by a revolution in tactics, army size and operational strategy, with a corresponding accentuation of the impact of warfare on society. 2 Since then the discussion that grew around these assertions became vigorous and contentious. 3 Geoffrey Parker contended the revolution stemmed from the fifteenth century, when the angular trace italienne structures supplanted medieval masonry in response to the threat of mobile artillery. 4 The "revolution" of the sixteenth century with its bastioned fortresses, disciplined firepower-centric armies, and ocean-going broadside sailing ships, was the beginning of military dominance of Europeans over non-Europeans. 5 Clifford Rogers countered with his punctuated equilibrium model with the origins of the changes set in the early fourteenth century, whereas Jeremy Black argued for transformation concentrated the fifteenth century, but more emphatically in the late seventeenth century. 6 A new facet of the argument has opened up with work on the gunpowder revolution in Asia by Tonio Andrade, Hyeok Hweon Kang and Kirsten Cooper. 7 Despite Bert Hall's request for the debate to move beyond the concept of a distinct revolutionary event occupying a singular moment in historical time, claim, counter-claim and reworkings of opinion and chronology are likely to rumble on for some time yet. 8 1 Clifford Rogers demonstrated that the idea of a military revolution associated with the introduction of gunpowder long predated Roberts, but Roberts certainly ignited the current debate. See Rogers, "The Idea of Military Revolutions in Eighteenth and Nineteenth-century Texts," 395-415. Many thanks to Mark Fissel for bringing this to my attention.
Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies, 2019
The Irish Militia, formed in 1793 to defend Ireland from French invasion, represented almost two-thirds of the British garrison in Ireland during the French Revolutionary Wars. The Irish Militia was also significant as it was a coming together of the upper-class Anglo-Irish Protestant military tradition, represented by the officer corps, and the Catholic majority, who filled the ranks. This article explores how successfully or unsuccessfully these competing Irish identities came together in the Donegal Regiment of Militia, examining how the officers overcame challenges and fostered a regimental identity that was capable of weathering the violence of the 1798 rebellion.
After the 1801 Act of Union uniting Ireland and Great Britain, and the broken promises made to Catholics, Daniel O'Connell founded the Catholic Association which combined religious and political demands. Despite the pacifying dimension of the movement, the decades preceding the Great Hunger (1845-1851) saw several episodes of violence, before reaching a climax during the revolutionary movement of 1848. Relying on Philippe Braud's definition of political violence and the study of British and Catholic authorities' correspondence among other sources, this article intends to shed light on the different dynamics at work in the rise in violence. It also examines the various attempts to readjust to and withdraw from acts of violence, to move beyond ambiguities and better assess the role played by religious agents.
New evidence reveals gun running to Ireland in the early 1920s relied upon more extensive networks of Irish and Irish-American operatives than previously believed. These operatives included employees of Auto-Ordnance, the manufacturer of the Thompson submachine gun.
The period around the close of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries are now thought to have been crucial in deciding the religious allegiance of Ireland, This paper examines the policies of the Irish and British governments towards the enforcement of religious uniformity during the first thirty years of the seventeenth century. It shows how, following the defeat of Hugh O'Neill, the authorities in Dublin thought that there was an opportunity to force the Catholic population to conform, and break the power of the Catholic church. The King and his ministers in England, however, were reluctant to rick the mass alienation and civil unrest that this might cause, and counselled caution. The result was a stop/start policy. In times of official hostility towards Catholics, as following the Gunpowder Plot, the Irish authorities were given free rein to impose conformity, but when James wanted to placate foreign Catholic powers, as during his pursuit of a Spanish marriage for his son Charles, the Dublin government was instructed to favour persuasion and gentler methods. As a result, the penal laws were sometimes used to try to force Catholics to conform, sometimes as a means of control or of raising revenue. The end result was that, neither coercion nor toleration was fully or thoroughly implemented, and Ireland remained a firmly Catholic country. The unanswerable question remains: had conformity been imposed with the rigour demanded by the Dublin authorities, would it have had a chance of succeeding in turning Ireland into a Protestant country?
The English Historical Review, 2021
War in History, 2004
This article offers a fresh look at the relationship between war, imperial expansion (itself a consequence of war) and religious developments in Britain and Ireland in the middle decades of the eighteenth century. While conflict between Britain and the Catholic Bourbon powers between 1739 and 1763 heightened popular hostility to ‘popery’ among Protestants, war and the expansion of empire helped to change elite attitudes towards Catholicism. Catholic rehabilitation, though long-drawn-out and limited in this period, had the effect of dividing Protestants, deepening the mutual suspicions and mistrust between Protestant Dissenters and the Anglican establishment in England, Wales and Ireland. *I am grateful to the owners and custodians of the archives that I cite, or from which I quote, for permission to use the material in their collections. This article is an off-shoot of a wider project on the impact of the mid-eighteenth-century wars on Britain and Ireland.
Archbishop Laud's ecclesiastical and political energy has left historians gasping behind him. This is not simply a result of his passion for detail and singleminded capacity for hard work; it is also a product of his geographical and administrative range. With remarkable prescience, he anticipated current concern with the broader 'British' dimension of early modern history and viewed religious policy not in a narrowly English sense, or confined only to church matters, but in terms of all three royal dominions, and extending to education as well. The result is a standing challenge, not merely to historians' stamina, but also to the instinctive compartmentalisation of their approach to the 1630s which has sought to confine Laud within national boundaries and see him solely as an ecclesiastical leader.
Studies of Transition States and Societies, 2014
Book Reivew of "The IRA: The Irish Republican Army" by James Dingley, 2012, Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger
The ‘Nine Years War’ in Ireland saw violence and upheaval which brought the authority of the English crown to the point of collapse, but also resulted in the completion of the Tudor conquest and the eradication of native Irish laws and social order. This thesis examines the conduct and impact of the Nine Years War in the context of military transformations occurring in continental Europe. The effects of the modernising influences of the ‘military revolution’ on the native Irish military are explored, and also the reciprocal development and response of the forces of the English crown. This is achieved by studying the war at strategic, operational and tactical levels, the role of combat, the methodology and equipment used and development of doctrine. Furthermore the increased intensity of war precipitated higher levels of brutality and civilian victimisation. Therefore this study examines the role and extent of atrocity and aggression against civilians in Ireland and compares this with the experience of war in contemporary Europe. Key issues engaged with are the strategy behind both Irish and English campaigns, the degree to which the war can be considered a guerrilla war, the use of fortifications by the Irish, and the fatal weaknesses in the forces raised by O’Neill and his confederates. In addition non-combat characteristics of the war are examined such as the native economy, manufacturing, the command and control of military forces, and Irish military logistics. Detailed examination of the course and key moments of the war provides significant insight into attitudes in early modern Ireland with regards to modernisation, innovation and the social relationships between the native Irish, and the Old English and New English.
Irish Historical Studies, 2015
This article examines a petition drawn up by Robert Ayleway, an official within the Irish fiscal-military state in 1692, in connection with charges of corruption and incompetence during the Williamite Wars (1689-91). Ayleway’s petition, and his wider career, demonstrate that he was part of a process of English and Irish state formation that had begun well before 1688, driven by informal patronage networks as much as by formal bureaucratic developments, creating an entrenched interest group of officials that nevertheless came into conflict after 1689 with new officers, many of them foreign, who came to Ireland in William III’s train. Both sides suspected the loyalty of the other, but the petition reveals that Ayleway saw himself, with some justice, as a competent and loyal official who had used his private means to serve the public in a way that had also advanced his own private interests, suggesting something of the ethos of officials within the new Irish (and English) fiscal-military state.
Éire-Ireland, 2007
Crime, Histoire & Sociétés, 2007
The extent and nature of violent activity in Ireland in the first half of the nineteenth century constitutes an important, at times controversial, but as yet insufficiently researched area of study. There has, in fact, been little agreement on the role of violence in Ireland in this period. On the one hand, there are those who have viewed early nineteenth-century Ireland as a particularly violent place. This was certainly the view of many commentators of the time and is supported, to some degree at least, by the numerous studies of rural unrest in pre-Famine Ireland, which have demonstrated how violence and the threat of violence was utilized, mainly by agrarian secret societies, in order to uphold supposedly communal norms and to regulate socioeconomic conditions 3. The extent of such unrest has, indeed, led one commentator, to conclude that early nineteenth-century Ireland was a remarkably violent country 4. A number of historians have, however, challenged or at least qualified the view of Ireland in this period as a particularly violent society. Cormac Ó Gráda, for instance, has argued that the belief in endemic violent criminality in pre-Famine Ireland was almost certainly exaggerated 5. Similarly, David Fitzpatrick has suggested that Irish society at this time, in certain regions and for prolonged periods, was not endemically or abnormally violent 6. 2 Commentary on the extent of sectarian violence in this period reflects, in some respects, these contrasting perspectives on the extent of violent activity. The dominant view among those who have commented on sectarian violence is that sectarian animosity was a significant and direct cause of violent conflict.For Kerby Miller, in the last quarter of the
Irish Sword, 2021
From New York to Ballyfermot: the Thompson submachine gun and the Irish War of Independence by AARON Ó MAONAIGH * Celebrated in ballad and described as a provider of 'mysteries within a mystery', the saga of the Thompson submachine gun and its part in the Irish War of Independence holds a prominent place in the lore and legend of the revolutionary era. 1 Despite its prominence, however, the Thompson gun only arrived in Ireland shortly before the climax of the war. Its role in action was a minor one and it was discharged in combat on only three accounts, with little effect. Since the pioneering 1967 article by J. Bowyer Bell, much has been written concerning the procurement and attempted importation of Thompson guns to Ireland, although an insufficient amount has been written concerning their use during the war.
UCC - SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS, 2018
The Double Tressure, No. 34 (2011), 2011
The Journal of the History of Ideas, 2016
The American Historical Review, 2001
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