Stephen J. Kunitz, Regional Cultures and Mortality in America

Contemporary Sociology, 2001

2005

Although there is a long history of examinations of family life in America by cultural anthropologists, we have relatively few examples of direct ethnographic engagement in everyday life with the troubles, contradictions and quandaries that confront those who claim the moral center of U.S. society, the middle-class. Building on previous work in this important area, this session presents current fieldwork on the American middle-class at a time of economic dislocation, reduced social mobility and turmoil over the very nature and definition of both work and family.

European Journal of American Studies, 2015

Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 2016

2006

2014

Childcare as a Work Support, a Child-focused Intervention, and a Job C. Cybele Raver 12 Childcare for Low-Income Families: Problems and Promise Martha Zaslow PART IV How are the Challenges of Managing Work and Family Experienced by Low-Income Men and Women? x PREFACE Development, underscore the importance of considering gender and family structure in any analysis of work-family challenges. Demographers and rural sociologists Leif Jensen and Timothy Slack (Pennsylvania State University) contextualize Bernstein's portrait, focusing particularly on the phenomenon of underemployment. One of the most dramatic changes in the workplace in recent years has been the shift to a "24/7" economy. This transition has meant that an increasing number of people, particularly employees in low-level jobs though not exclusively so, work a non-day shift. The second section of the volume begins with a lead chapter by Harriet Presser, a demographer at the University of Maryland. This chapter considers the implications of working afternoon, evening, and rotating shifts for families and children. The other chapters in this section expand upon the elements of the time and timing of work that may be particularly important. Maureen Perry-Jenkins, a developmental scholar at the University of Massachusetts, draws from her in-depth, longitudinal study of working-class couples making the transition to parenthood and back to work to consider how young couples experience shift work. David Almeida, an expert on midlife at the University of Arizona, takes advantage of daily diary data to examine how temporal features of work mesh with the ongoing flow of family life. Stepping back to look at the issue of family time in a theoretical context, Kerry Daly, a family scholar at the University of Guelph, outlines an important set of considerations for the next generation of research studies. Aletha Huston, a developmental psychologist at the University of Texas-Austin, discusses how well the childcare needs of low-income families are being met in her lead chapter. In their chapters, Barrie Thorne, a sociologist at the University of California-Berkeley who brings a feminist lens to the area of work and family, Cybele Raver, a developmental psychologist at the University of Chicago, and Martha Zaslow, a developmental researcher at the non-profit consulting firm Child Trends, each elaborate on Huston's central points while weaving in findings from their own work. These contributions underscore the fact that childcare workers themselves are often low-income workers and that one way to improve the quality and availability of care is to make working in this line of work pay better. In the final section of the volume, Susan Clampet

2012

The distribution of income in the United States has grown markedly unequal in the past 30 years (Atkinson, Piketty, and Saez