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This dissertation outlines the empirical scope of phonotactic theory and argues that the core principles of phonotactic knowledge are compatible with a distinct view from the lexicon, which is categorical and closely related to phonological processes. The work critiques the probabilistic view of phonotactics as a gradient process independent of phonology and emphasizes the importance of phonotactic knowledge in language comprehension.
Halle’s (1959) argument against a distinction between morphophonemic and phonemic rules can be understood as an argument against the relevance of contrast to phonology. After adducing further arguments against a role for contrast, the paper provides a simple contrast-free analysis of the classic problem of the voicing behavior of Russian /v/. This segment undergoes voicing assimilation (like other obstruents), but does not trigger it (thus acting like the sonorants). In contrast to a long history of treating /v/ as a covert sonorant, the paper attributes the behavior of Russian /v/, which surfaces always as an obstruent, to underspecification with respect to the feature Voice.
2007
This paper treats the issue of prosodic segmentation into phrasing domains in Russian and is framed in the prosodic phonology paradigm. Distributions of prosodic boundaries are obtained in a perception experiment and the results are further explored to advance the hypotheses about the levels of prosodic constituency in Russian. The temporal organisation of the perceived domains and the eurhythmic constraints on phrasing are investigated. Particularly, the empirical data suggest that beyond the level of intonational units, there are two other levels, a level of metrical domain and one of phonological phrase, relevant in the perception of phrasing patterns.
2015
Russian is an unpredictable stress language, where stress is not fixed to a particular morpheme or a syllable, but is rather assumed to be marked lexically for each morpheme (roots and affixes). Although Russian lexical stress and factors determining its location in a word have been extensively examined, it is not clear whether there are some phonological properties that may influence the location of stress. In this dissertation, I investigate non-lexical stress placement in Russian, i.e. the default stress placement expected to arise whenever there is no lexically specified accent in a word and explore which phonological factors affect stress placement in Russian. In particular, I ask (i) which principles govern the assignment of stress in the absence of lexical information, and (ii) whether the default stress emanates from a particular foot type (trochee or iamb) that underlies the Russian prosodic system. Previous research on the Russian default stress pattern and metrical struct...
Linguistics, 1978
Laboratory Phonology, 2010
Russian velar palatalization changes velars into alveopalatals before certain suffixes, including the stem extension -i and the diminutive suffixes -ok and -ek/ik. While velar palatalization always applies before the relevant suffixes in the established lexicon, it often fails with nonce loanwords before -i and -ik but not before -ok or -ek. This is shown to be predicted by the Minimal Generalization Learner (MGL), a model of rule induction and weighting developed by Albright and Hayes (Cognition 90: 119–161, 2003), by a novel version of Network Theory (Bybee, Morphology: A study of the relation between meaning and form, John Benjamins, 1985, Phonology and language use, Cambridge University Press, 2001), which uses competing unconditional product-oriented schemas weighted by type frequency and paradigm uniformity constraints, and by stochastic Optimality Theory with language-specific constraints learned using the Gradual Learning Algorithm (GLA, Boersma, Proceedings of the Institute...
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, 2012
This paper presents the results of an investigation of voicing in ut--terance---initial and intervocalic stops in monolingual Russian speakers. Prevoicing was found in over 97% of the lenis stops; over 97% of the intervo--calic stops were fully voiced. Utterance---initial fortis stops were pronounced as voiceless unaspirated and had short positive VOT. Intervocalic fortis stops were completely voiceless except for a short voicing tail into closure. These results are relevant for typological studies of voicing. Some studies of lan--guages with a two---way contrast between initial stops with prevoicing and short lag VOT have reported that prevoicing is less robust than what might be expected. These findings have been attributed to influence from another lan--guage without prevoicing. Our results with monolingual speakers of Russian support these claims. Our results are also relevant for the debate about the laryngeal feature in aspirating languages, which often have some voicing of intervocalic lenis stops. Such voicing has been attributed to passive voicing, in contrast with active voicing that occurs in true voice languages such as Rus--sian. We found that the voicing in Russian is much more robust than the in--tervocalic voicing in aspirating languages. This difference is explained if the features of contrast are different in the two types of languages: [voice] in the case of Russian and [spread glottis] in the case of aspirating languages. * We have benefited from comments from the audience at the 16th Mid---Continental Workshop on Phonology at Northwestern University, where an earlier version of this paper was presented. We have also benefited from discussions of many of the ideas in this paper with Jill Beckman, Bob McMurray, Pétur Helgason, Michael Jessen, and Kari Suomi. This is not to say, of course, that they agree with everything (or even any--thing) we say here. We are grateful to Svetlana Tananaiko for assistance in St. Peters--burg with recruiting subjects, preparation of wordlists, and other assistance, to Caleb Brown, Lauren Eby, and Robert Schumacher for assistance with measurements, and to Douglas Cole for assistance with the English spectrograms. Finally, we wish to thank two anonymous reviewers for their very useful comments and suggestions. The re--search of C.
Kulinich, E., Royle, P. & Valois, D. (2016). Palatalization in the Russian verb system: a psycholinguistic study. Journal of Slavic Linguistics, 24(2), 337-357.
In this paper, we present experimental data on the processing of loanwords and nonce words that focuses on morphonological alternations in Russian. This study addresses the issue of how stem allomorphy involving palatalization of the velar/palatal and dental/palatal types in the Russian verb system is processed in adults. Processing of morphonological alternations is shown to be quite variable (and probably unproductive) and to depend, on the one hand, on the distribution of allomorphs within the verb paradigm, and on the other hand, on verb class productivity. We hypothesize that these differences should be reflected in child language acquisition.
In the process of loanword adaptation words often undergo various changes in order to comply with the phonological system of the borrowing language. At the phonotactic level the most commonly applied modifications of alien consonant clusters include vowel insertion, consonant deletion and cluster modification. The present paper examines online adaptation of Ukrainian word-initial two-consonant sequences of radically different segmental makeup and sonority relations, namely, obstruent + sonorant (e.g. /zm/, /vn/) and sonorant + obstruent (e.g. /rt/, /mʒ/), which are illicit in English, in order to establish the major phonological patterns of anglicization and account for them in the light of Optimality Theory.
Phonotactics refers to the principles according to which lan- guages allow sound combinations and segment sequencing to form larger units such as syllables and words. In the study of phono- tactics, we are faced with a series of apparent contradictions and empirical problems that require critical comparisons of alternative explanatory models and, most often, an investigation of the ‘inter- faces’ between phonotactics and other levels of linguistic organiza- tion, particularly phonetics and morphology. One problematic aspect is due to the fact that phonotactics is part of the phonological gram- mar of a language, and at the same time it is regulated by a number of non-categorical, probabilistic constraints and preferences. It is thus not surprising that the awareness among linguists regarding the role of probability, so crucial in accounting for changes and vari- ations across languages and historical stages (Bod et al. 2003), has developed early in connection with observations on the variability in the ‘phonotactic grammar’ of speakers (e.g. Scholes 1966) and on the changing degrees of ‘acceptability’ of word-sized strings (later called ‘wordlikeness’ – a term that explicitly presupposes a probabilistic view of the phonology). A second challenging issue related to phono- tactics has to do with the universal versus language-specific nature of phonotactic rules and preferences. Asking what is common to all linguistic systems and what, by contrast, is implemented in individ- ual phonologies under specific conditions has promoted the adoption of a variety of empirical methodologies ranging from the survey of big samples of languages to the psycholinguistic study of how pho- notactic structures are processed and acquired, and from probability computations to the investigation of how consonantal and vocalic sequences are produced and perceived.
Journal of Linguistics 36(2). 405–411.
This paper examines the interpretation of scopally ambiguous double-quantifier sentences in Russian, a free word order language. We describe the acoustic-prosodic features that successfully discriminate between the productions disambiguating double-quantifier sentences in Russian in favor of surface vs. inverse scope. We argue that the prosodic contour under which inverse scope is available in Russian is associated with a highly salient information structural configuration in which the pre-verbal QP is interpreted as focused.
Heritage Language Journal, 2008
The goal of the study is to analyze the morphological processing of real and novel verb forms by heritage speakers of Russian in order to determine whether it differs from that of native (L1) speakers 1 and second language (L2) learners; if so, how it is different; and which factors may guide the acquisition process. The experiment involved three groups of subjects: 28 adult native speakers, 14 adult heritage speakers, and 17 beginning American learners of Russian. The results demonstrate that (1) novel form production in heritage processing, as in native and L2 processing, is rule-based, and that rule application-i.e. the generalization rate of conjugational patterns-depends on the inputbased mechanism of statistical probabilities (to be defined below), and (2) that heritage speakers' mental representations of morphological structures are unstable and their morphological processing is different from either adult native or L2 processing.
Phonetica, 2017
This study examines prosody in read productions of two published narratives by 15 Russian speakers. Two distinct sources of variation in acoustic-prosodic expression are considered: structural and referent-based. Structural effects refer to the particular linearization of words in a sentence or phrase. Referent-based effects relate to the semantic and pragmatic characteristics of the discourse referent of a word, and to grammatical roles that are partially dependent on referent characteristics. Here, we examine referent animacy and the related grammatical function of subjecthood, and the relative accessibility or information status of a word. We document patterns of prosodic augmentation and prosodic reduction due to structural and referent-based factors, as evident from change in values of acoustic-prosodic measures mean intensity, duration and f0 range. Prosodic augmentation due to structural effects is observed for words positioned ex-situ, independent of their semantic, grammati...
2013
This paper reports on a gating experiment testing the relative salience of sonority, place of articulation, voicing and palatalization. The experiment showed that while sonorant segments are identified by the listeners in the highest percentage of cases than non-sonorant ones, the hypothesis that secondary features will be perceptually less salient than primary features is not supported: the cues for palatalization are at least as perceptually salient for the speakers of Russian as cues for voicing and place of articulation.
1989
This thesis investigates the interaction between phonology and morphology in the stress system of Russian. Russian has an accent-based stress system, in which morphemes are characterized by two accentual properties: [+accented, ±dominant]. Dominant morphemes trigger deaccentuation of the stem to which they attach. Words surface with one stress, regardless of whether they contain zero or several lexically accented morphemes. I show that the stress rule in Russian applies cyclically, assigning stress to the leftmost accented vowel, Words with accented roots have stress fixed on the root. In the inflectional paradigm of words with unaccented roots, stress alternates between the initial and final vowels, depending on the accentual property of the inflectional suffix. I refer to this as mobile stress. In Chapter One I observe an important correlation between stress and the derivational status of words. The generalization is the following: mobile stress occurs only in nonderived words or ...
The present study investigates the extent of word-final devoicing in Russian for three groups of speakers: monolingual native Russian speakers (4 Ss), native Russian speakers with knowledge of English (7 Ss), and American English learners of Russian (9 Ss). Thirty-four minimal pairs of Russian words differing in the underlying voicing of word-final obstruents were recorded. Acoustic analysis focused on four measures: preceding vowel duration, closure/frication duration, duration of voicing into closure/frication, and duration of release portion. Results indicate the absence of complete neutralization of underlying voicing for all three groups. Native Russian speakers showed sizeable differences in each of the four measures. While Russian monolingual speakers produced significant durational differences in closure/frication duration and release duration, native Russians with knowledge of English in addition maintained a difference through vowel duration and duration of voicing into closure/frication. Moreover, correlations indicated that speakers with higher English proficiency produced greater differences for vowel duration. In addition, native speakers of English learning Russian also distinguished final obstruents in terms of preceding vowel duration, closure/frication duration, duration of voicing into closure/frication, and duration of release portion, with greater durational differences for these second language learners than for Russian native speakers. The more proficient speakers of Russian decreased the durational differences and the most proficient second language learners were closer to complete neutralization than monolingual speakers of Russian. The neutralization data will be discussed in terms of the interaction between first and second language in the production of final devoicing.
2019
Russian is known as a true voice language with pre-voicing of voiced stops and no aspiration. It has been noted in many linguistic studies that the native language plays an important role in second language acquisition. There is a study which shows that people continue using their L1 processing strategies of linguistic information to communicate in their second language (Culter and Norris, 1988; Koda, 1997). In this research, we are interested in seeing whether or not Russian speakers prevoice voiced stops when speaking English. 1.0 Introduction Maddieson and Ladefoged claims that stop segments are unique in that they are found in all languages (as cited in Koffi, 2016, p. 146). Linguists use various terms such as stop and plosive to name these sounds. Each label highlights a specific feature. “Stop” indicates that the air coming from lungs is stopped, whereas “plosive” indicates that a released burst is heard when a sound is produced. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the pro...
Perspectives on Morphological Organization: Data and Analyses
In this paper, we look at a paradigm leveling process currently taking place in Russian that affects historical consonant alternations (morphophonemic alternations that arose as a result of historical sound changes in Slavic and Russian specifically). In Standard Russian, these alternations are present in some verb forms (ljubit’ ‘to love’ – ljublju ‘I love’), in comparatives (suxoj ‘dry’ – suše ‘drier, more dryly’), in deverbal nouns, and in some other grammatical categories. However, many non-standard forms in Russian lack alternations or have ‘incorrect’ alternations unattested in the standard language. Unfortunately, Russian corpora contain almost no such non-standard forms, and the best source of such data is the Internet. But estimating relative frequencies of different forms found on the Internet is a challenge because the counts provided by search engines are extremely unreliable. We developed various strategies and a program to circumvent this problem and applied the technique to our study of alternations primarily in comparatives and to some extent also in verb forms.
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