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2008, Psychology and Aging
There is disagreement in the literature about whether a "positivity effect" in memory performance exists in older adults. To assess the generalizability of the effect, the authors examined memory for autobiographical, picture, and word information in a group of younger (17-29 years old) and older (60 -84 years old) adults. For the autobiographical memory task, the authors asked participants to produce 4 positive, 4 negative, and 4 neutral recent autobiographical memories and to recall these a week later. For the picture and word tasks, participants studied photos or words of different valences (positive, negative, neutral) and later remembered them on a free-recall test. The authors found significant correlations in memory performance, across task material, for recall of both positive and neutral valence autobiographical events, pictures, and words. When the authors examined accurate memories, they failed to find consistent evidence, across the different types of material, of a positivity effect in either age group. However, the false memory findings offer more consistent support for a positivity effect in older adults. During recall of all 3 types of material, older participants recalled more false positive than false negative memories.
Memory, 2011
This study investigated whether the age-related positivity effect strengthens specific event details in autobiographical memory. Participants retrieved past events or imagined future events in response to neutral or emotional cue words. Older adults rated each kind of event more positively than younger adults, demonstrating an age-related positivity effect. We next administered a source memory test. Participants were given the same cue words and tried to retrieve the previously generated event and its source (past or future). Accuracy on this source test should depend on the recollection of specific details about the earlier generated events, providing a more objective measure of those details than subjective ratings. We found that source accuracy was greater for positive than negative future events in both age groups, suggesting that positive future events were more detailed. In contrast, valence did not affect source accuracy for past events in either age group, suggesting that positive and negative past events were equally detailed. Although ageing can bias people to focus on positive aspects of experience, this bias does not appear to strengthen the availability of details for positive relative to negative past events.
Psychological Science, 2004
This study reveals that older adults have a positivity effect in long-term autobiographical memory and that a positivity bias can be induced in younger adults by a heightened motivation to regulate current emotional well-being.
Frontiers in Psychology, 2017
International Journal of Aging & Human Development, 2014
This study examined whether older adults recollect autobiographical memories of negative events so as to minimize unpleasant emotions to a greater extent than do younger adults. A sample of healthy older adults (N = 126) and younger adults (N = 119) completed the Autobiographical Memory Questionnaire and a measure of PTSD symptoms in response to their most negative recalled event. Results supported the hypothesis that older adults rated their negative memories as having: 1) less of a sense of traveling back to the time the event occurred, 2) less associated visceral emotional reactions, 3) fewer associated negative emotions, and 4) fewer PTSD symptoms, all relative to younger adults. In addition, older adults exhibited higher ratings of belief in accuracy, higher ratings that the memory comes as a coherent story, and more associated positive emotions, again all relative to younger adults. After controlling for differences between the types of events younger and older adults reported and how long ago the event occurred, the above age differences remained statistically significant, though the effect sizes were attenuated in some cases. These results are consistent in their support for the positivity effect, and suggest that older adults modify their recollections of negative events in a manner that is emotionally adaptive for them.
Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 2008
There is increasing evidence that older adults experience fewer negative feelings (Gross et al., 1997), dissipate negative affect better (Carstensen, Pasupathi, Mayr, & Nesselroade, 2000), and are better at regulating negative moods (Charles, Reynolds, & Gatz, 2001), as compared with younger adults. This pattern fits well with socioemotional selectivity theory (SST; Carstensen, 1995), which postulates that as people age and perceive their remaining life to be increasingly limited, their goals shift from novelty seeking to emotion regulation, defined as the maintenance of a positive affective state. Consistent with SST, a growing number of studies have shown that, as compared with young adults, older adults preferentially attend to positive over both negative and neutral information. For example, older adults are slower to localize a dot probe when it is preceded by a face with a negative (e.g., angry) expression and faster when it is preceded by a face with a positive (e.g., happy) expression (Mather & Carstensen, 2003). Older adults also do not sustain attention to negative stimuli (Rösler et al., 2005). These studies suggest that emotional content influences cognitive functions, particularly in older adults. Studies have also shown that emotion (both positive and negative) can boost memory in younger (Cahill & McGaugh, 1995) and older (Denburg, Buchanan, Tranel, & Adolphs, 2003) adults. Although studies of attention support the possibility of a positivity bias in older adults, evidence for a corresponding bias in memory has been variable. Enhanced memory for positive material has been demonstrated in older adults on tests of autobiographical memories (e.g.,
Psychology and Aging, 2012
We investigated whether older adults could successfully monitor age-related declines in recollection that are typically found on episodic memory tests. In two experiments, we elicited prospective metamemory judgments based on the remember-know procedure, called Judgments of Remembering and Knowing (JORKs). That is, participants predicted whether word pairs would be remembered (i.e., accompanied by recollective details), known (i.e., have a sense of familiarity devoid of recollective details), or forgotten, on a later test. Compared with actual test performance, older adults were highly overconfident in predicting remembering, whereas younger adults' predictions more closely corresponded with actual remembering. These data suggest that older adults have difficulties monitoring age-related declines in recollection.
Psychology and Aging, 2005
Some authors argue for a memory advantage of older adults for positively toned material. To investigate the contribution of selective processing to a positivity effect, the authors investigated young (n ϭ 72, aged 18 to 31) and older (n ϭ 72, aged 64 to 75) adults' memory for emotionally toned words using a multitrial paradigm that compares performance for heterogeneous (mixed valence) and homogeneous (single valence) lists. Regarding the age comparison, there was no evidence for an aging bias favoring positive material. Moreover, older adults' memory was less affected by emotion-based processing prioritization. Although there was no support for age-specific processing biases in memory for emotionally toned words, the findings are consistent with proposals that negative information receives processing priority in some contexts. Possible limits to the generalizability of the present findings (e.g., to nonverbal material) are discussed.
Cognitive Neuropsychology, 1999
After studying a list of words that are all associated to a nonpresented target word, people often falsely recall or recognise the nonpresented target. Previous studies have shown that such false memories are greatly reduced when study lists are presented and tested several times compared to a single study/test trial. We report that older adults, who are sometimes more susceptible to memory distortions than are young adults, failed to exhibit any reduction in false recall or false recognition after five study/test trials compared to a single trial. By contrast, younger adults showed robust suppression of false memories after five study/test trials compared to a single trial. These results are consistent with the idea that older adults rely on memory for the general features or gist of studied materials, but tend not to encode or to retrieve specific details of individual items.
2018
Many changes occur with age, including changes in emotion regulation and memory. The Socioemotional Selectivity Theory (Carstensen, 2006) posits that older adults tend to be more concerned with emotionally meaningful goals and therefore experience what is called the “positivity effect” with age. The positivity effect results in a bias in attention and memory towards positive stimuli over neutral and negative stimuli. Age-related changes also arise in memory monitoring, specifically in Judgments of Learning (JOLs), when individuals learn emotional words. We examined the presence of the positivity effect in memory and JOLs for positive, negative, and neutral words. Younger and older adults (N=83) viewed words of each valence category and made immediate JOLs, followed by a two-alternative forced choice recognition memory task. The positivity effect was not supported in number correct on the memory task, but it was suggested by the number of positive lures incorrectly identified by olde...
Applied Cognitive Psychology, 2003
We investigated memory qualities for positive, negative, and neutral autobiographical events. Participants recalled two personal experiences of each type and then rated their memories on several characteristics (e.g. sensorial and contextual details). They also reported whether they ‘see’ the events in their memories from their own perspective (‘field’ memories) or whether they ‘see’ the self engaged in the event as an observer would (‘observer’ memories). Positive memories contained more sensorial (visual, smell, taste) and contextual (location, time) details than both negative and neutral events, whereas negative and neutral memories did not differ on most dimensions. Positive and negative events were more often recollected with a field perspective than neutral events. Finally, participants were classified in four groups according to the repressive coping style framework. Emotional memories of repressors were not less detailed than those of the other groups. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Aging, Neuropsychology, and Cognition, 2012
Journal of experimental psychology. General, 2003
Two studies examined age differences in recall and recognition memory for positive, negative, and neutral stimuli. In Study 1, younger, middle-aged, and older adults were shown images on a computer screen and, after a distraction task, were asked first to recall as many as they could and then to identify previously shown images from a set of old and new ones. The relative number of negative images compared with positive and neutral images recalled decreased with each successively older age group. Recognition memory showed a similar decrease with age in the relative memory advantage for negative pictures. In Study 2, the largest age differences in recall and recognition accuracy were also for the negative images. Findings are consistent with socioemotional selectivity theory, which posits greater investment in emotion regulation with age.
Cognition & Emotion, 2010
Emotional factors have been found to be an important influence on memory. The current study investigated the influence of emotional salience and age on a laboratory measure of prospective memory (PM); Virtual Week. Thirty young and 30 old adults completed Virtual Week, in which the emotional salience of the tasks at encoding was manipulated to be positive, negative or neutral in content. For event-based, but not time-based tasks, positivity enhancement in both age groups was seen, with a greater number of positive PM tasks being performed relative to neutral tasks. There was no negativity enhancement effect. Older adults showed generally poorer levels of PM, but they also demonstrated greater beneficial effects of positive valence compared to young. These effects of emotion on PM accuracy do not appear to reflect the retrospective component of the task as a different pattern of emotion effects was seen on the recall of PM content. Results indicate that older adults' difficulties in prospective remembering can be reduced where the tasks to be remembered are positive.
Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 2005
As people get older, they experience fewer negative emotions. Strategic processes in older adults' emotional attention and memory might play a role in this variation with age. Older adults show more emotionally gratifying memory distortion for past choices and autobiographical information than younger adults do. In addition, when shown stimuli that vary in affective valence, positive items account for a larger proportion of older adults' subsequent memories than those of younger adults. This positivity effect in older adults' memories seems to be due to their greater focus on emotion regulation and to be implemented by cognitive control mechanisms that enhance positive and diminish negative information. These findings suggest that both cognitive abilities and motivation contribute to older adults' improved emotion regulation.
GeroPsych: The Journal of Gerontopsychology and Geriatric Psychiatry, 2010
We examined distributions of remembered negative and positive life events across the life span in a sample of adults in middle and old age. Distributions of positive, but not negative life events showed a significant reminiscence bump, replicating earlier findings. Gender differences occurred with respect to distribution of memories of positive life events of the first four decades of life. Furthermore, we found substantial associations of number and valence of remembered life events with future time perspective and functions of autobiographical memory to create meaning, remaining significant after controlling for age and health. Therefore, number and valence of negative and positive life events across the life span reflect, to a certain extent, age and time perspective of the remembering individual.
Psychology and Aging, 2009
Research of aging and autobiographical memory has almost exclusively focused on voluntary autobiographical memory. However, in everyday life autobiographical memories often come to mind spontaneously without deliberate attempt to retrieve anything. The present study used diary and word-cue methods to compare the involuntary and voluntary memories of 44 young and 38 older adults. The results showed that older adults reported fewer involuntary and voluntary memories than younger adults. Additionally, the life span distribution of involuntary and voluntary memories did not differ in either young (a clear recency effect) or older adults (a recency effect and a reminiscence bump). Despite these similarities between
The International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 2012
Many studies conducted in the United States (U.S.) have documented a positivity effect in aging—a tendency for older adults to remember more positive than negative information in comparison to young adults. Despite this cognitive emotional benefit, U.S. adults still hold a more negative view of aging compared to adults in Asia. We hypothesized that these aging stereotypes may contribute to different patterns of age-related emotional memory processing in the two cultures. In the present study, we tested young and older adults in the U.S. and China on a View of Aging task and an emotional picture memory task. Chinese older adults hold a significantly more positive view of aging compared to all other groups of participants. Older adults in both countries demonstrated an age-related positivity effect, but Chinese older adults showed a trend in remembering fewer negative pictures than their American counterparts. These findings suggest that aging stereotypes might significantly influence...
Memory, 2009
Older adults sometimes show a "positivity effect" in memory, remembering proportionally more positive information than young adults. Using a modified Memory Characteristics, the present study examined whether emotional valence impacts the phenomenological qualities associated with young and older adults' memories. Aging did not impact the effect of valence on the qualities of high-arousal memories. However, aging sometimes impacted subjective memory for detail of low-arousal memories: In Experiment 2, older adults reported remembering more thoughts, feelings, and temporal order details about positive low-arousal stimuli, while young adults' ratings for those dimensions were higher for negative low-arousal stimuli. These findings suggest that valence most readily affects the qualities of young and older adults' emotional memories when those memories are low in arousal.
Cognition and Emotion, 2015
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Frontiers in Psychology, 2015
Autobiographical memory (AM) is an essential component of the human mind. Although the amount and types of subjective detail (content) that compose AMs constitute important dimensions of recall, age-related changes in memory content are not well characterized. Previously, we introduced the Cue-Recalled Autobiographical Memory test (CRAM; see http://cramtest.info), an instrument that collects subjective reports of AM content, and applied it to college-aged subjects. CRAM elicits AMs using naturalistic word-cues. Subsequently, subjects date each cued AM to a life period and count the number of remembered details from specified categories (features), e.g., temporal detail, spatial detail, persons, objects, and emotions. The current work applies CRAM to a broad range of individuals (18-78 years old) to quantify the effects of age on AM content. Subject age showed a moderately positive effect on AM content: older compared with younger adults reported ∼16% more details (∼25 vs. ∼21 in typical AMs). This agerelated increase in memory content was similarly observed for remote and recent AMs, although content declined with the age of the event among all subjects. In general, the distribution of details across features was largely consistent among younger and older adults. However, certain types of details, i.e., those related to objects and sequences of events, contributed more to the age effect on content. Altogether, this work identifies a moderate age-related feature-specific alteration in the way life events are subjectively recalled, among an otherwise stable retrieval profile.
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