Surveillance, Power and Everyday Life

Surveillance in the sense of gathering information about people existed throughout history, a simple example can be given from the Roman Empire when Caesar Augustus issued a decree for taking census throughout the empire, in order to maintain the functioning of the Empire and collect taxes (Claytor & Bagnall, 215; Lyon, 1994, p. 22). Therefore, since it’s an old social event, one wonders what’s the matter with surveillance today? Why so much attention is increasing in regards to surveillance since the last decade? Are there any differences between the surveillance since the times of the Roman Empire with surveillance today? And if so what are they? All these questions will be answered in this paper. It will begin by attempting to define what is surveillance, then it will examine the 2009 House of Lords Report (HOL) on this subject, then it will critically examine some of the issues raised in the report; particularly how surveillance shapes the relationship between the citizens and the state, the Public-Private sectors relationship, and abuses of surveillance.

In modern societies, surveillance is progressively emerging as a key governing tech- nique of state authorities, corporations and individuals:‘the focused, systematic and routine attention to personal details for purposes of influence, management, protection or direction’ (Lyon, 2007, p. 14). The ‘Snowden revelations’ of mass-surveillance programmes brought into the light of day the ever-increasing and far-reaching capabilities of digital surveillance technologies (Greenwald, 2014). The lack of serious reactions to these activities shows that the political will to implement digital surveillance technologies appears to be an unbroken trend. This drive towards a security governance based on digital mass-surveillance raises, however, several issues: Are the resulting infringements of privacy and other human rights compatible with the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union or the EU data protection framework and the values of demo- cratic societies? Does security necessarily depend upon mass-surveillance? Are there alternative ways to frame security? Do surveillance technologies address the most pressing security needs, and if so, are they the most efficient means to do so? In other words, the promotion and adoption by state authorities of mass-surveil- lance technologies invites us to ask again if the argument of increasing security at the cost of civil liberties is acceptable, and thus to call into question the very idea that this would be necessary to preserve democratic societies. Focusing on the citizens’ perspective on surveillance, privacy and security, this volume contributes new insights from empirical research and theoretical analysis to a debate, characterized by evident tendencies to provide simplified answers to apparently multidimensional and correspondingly complex societal issues like security. This book tries to further nurture a debate that challenges the assumption that more security requires less privacy, and that more surveillance necessarily implies more security (Bigo et al., 2008). A key motivation is the wish to incorporate into new analyses the perspectives, attitudes and preferences of citizens, understood as being the main beneficiaries of security measures, while at the same time potential and actual targets of mass-surveillance programmes conducted in the name of responding to imminent security threats.

Information, Communication & Society, 2002

Surveillance is no longer merely a matter of deliberate, individual scrutiny and consequent fears for personal privacy. It is an everyday experience, run by myriad agencies for multiple purposes and exempting no one. Surveillance is also an ambiguous process, the two faces of which must yet be seen in relation to each other. Numerous data-now including biometric, genetic and video dataare abstracted from embodied persons and manipulated to create pro les and risk categories in a networked, rhizomic system. The resulting classi cations are intended to in uence and to manage populations and persons. The choices and the chances of data-subjects are thus both directly and indirectly affected, but socio-technical surveillance systems are also affected by people complying with, negotiating or resisting surveillance.

Surveillance, Privacy and Security, 2017

This volume examines the relationship between privacy, surveillance and security, and the alleged privacy-security trade-off, focusing on the citizen's perspective. Recent revelations of mass surveillance programmes clearly demonstrate the everincreasing capabilities of surveillance technologies. The lack of serious reactions to these activities shows that the political will to implement them appears to be an unbroken trend. The resulting move into a surveillance society is, however, contested for many reasons. Are the resulting infringements of privacy and other human rights compatible with democratic societies? Is security necessarily depending on surveillance? Are there alternative ways to frame security? Is it possible to gain in security by giving up civil liberties, or is it even necessary to do so, and do citizens adopt this trade-off? This volume contributes to a better and deeper understanding of the relation between privacy, surveillance and security, comprising in-depth investigations and studies of the common narrative that more security can only come at the expense of sacrifice of privacy. The book combines theoretical research with a wide range of empirical studies focusing on the citizen's perspective. It presents empirical research exploring factors and criteria relevant for the assessment of surveillance technologies. The book also deals with the governance of surveillance technologies. New approaches and instruments for the regulation of security technologies and measures are presented, and recommendations for security policies in line with ethics and fundamental rights are discussed. This book will be of much interest to students of surveillance studies, critical security studies, intelligence studies, EU politics and IR in general.

SSRN Electronic Journal

The Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 signals both the importance of forms of surveillance as techniques of policing and also the human rights apprehensions which those strategies engender. The Act is explained and analysed according to rights-based standards as well as its fit with the development of an "information society".

This co-edited volume examines the relationship between privacy, surveillance and security, and the alleged privacy– security trade-off, focusing on the citizen's perspective. Recent revelations of mass surveillance programmes clearly demonstrate the ever-increasing capabilities of surveillance technologies. The lack of serious reactions to these activities shows that the political will to implement them appears to be an unbroken trend. The resulting move into a surveillance society is, however, contested for many reasons. Are the resulting infringements of privacy and other human rights compatible with democratic societies? Is security necessarily depending on surveillance? Are there alternative ways to frame security? Is it possible to gain in security by giving up civil liberties, or is it even necessary to do so, and do citizens adopt this trade-off? This volume contributes to a better and deeper understanding of the relation between privacy, surveillance and security, comprising in-depth investigations and studies of the common narrative that more security can only come at the expense of sacrifice of privacy. The book combines theoretical research with a wide range of empirical studies focusing on the citizen's perspective. It presents empirical research exploring factors and criteria relevant for the assessment of surveillance technologies. The book also deals with the governance of surveillance technologies. New approaches and instruments for the regulation of security technologies and measures are presented, and recommendations for security policies in line with ethics and fundamental rights are discussed. This book will be of much interest to students of surveillance studies, critical security studies, intelligence studies, EU politics and IR in general.

PhD Dissertation, University of the Basque Country UPV/EHU, 2021

The objective of this study is to examine the development of socio-technical accountability mechanisms in order to: a) preserve and increase the autonomy of individuals subjected to surveillance and b) replenish the asymmetry of power between those who watch and those who are watched. To do so, we address two surveillance realms: intelligence services and personal data networks. The cases studied are Spain and Brazil, from the beginning of the political transitions in the 1970s (in the realm of intelligence), the expansion of Internet digital networks covering the 2020s (in the realm of personal data), to resistance principles in the long-term future. The examination of accountability, thus, comprises a holistic evolution of institutions, regulations, market strategies, as well as resistance tactics. The conclusion summarizes the accountability mechanisms and proposes universal principles to improve the legitimacy of authority in surveillance and politics in a broad sense. Table of Contents PREFACE, INTRODUCTION; PART 1. Zero. Chapter 1. Theoretical Framework; 1.1. On the forms of power 1.1.a. Restraining power: About the importance of controlling the uncontrollable. 1.1.b. Executing power: The aporia between exceptionality and normalization 1.1.c. Justifying power: A brief epistemological history 1.1.d. Constructing power: In the name of security 1.2. On surveillance: Real metaphors and perspectives 1.3. On privacy: Basic remarks 1.4. On accountability: The art of squaring the circle Chapter 2. Methodology and Operationalization 2.1. Hypothesis 2.2. Operationalization PART 2. 1975. Chapter 3. Accountability in the realm of intelligence 3.1. Intelligence 3.2. Authoritarian legacies 3.2.a. The Spanish authoritarian legacy 3.2.b. The Brazilian authoritarian legacy 3.3. Intelligence institutional paths 3.3.a. The Spanish path: SECED, CESID, CNI 3.3.b. The Brazilian path: SNI, SAE, ABIN-SISBIN 3.4. Internal control 3.5. Legislative control 3.6. Judicial control 3.7. Accountability of third dimension 3.8. The media role and civil society Chapter 4. Surveillance and intelligence: connecting the points 4.1. Surveillance metaphors and intelligence 4.2. Intelligence and the management of subjects 4.3. Intelligence accountability and legitimate resistance PART 3. 2020. Chapter 5. Accountability in the realm of personal data 5.0. Personal data 5.1. State regulations 5.1.a. Personal data protection in Spain 5.1.b. Personal data protection in Brazil 5.2. Market strategies 5.2.a. Internet and data business 5.2.b. Accountability of big market players 5.2.c. Further approaches: algorithms, privacy by design, and oligopolies 5.3. Civic agency 5.3.a. Ironic stream 5.3.b. Deliberative stream 5.3.c. Agonistic stream 5.3.d. Despair stream Chapter 6. Surveillance and personal data: connecting the points 6.1. Surveillance metaphors and personal data 6.2. Personal data and the management of subjects 6.3. Personal data accountability and further resistance PART 4. 2084. “Postscript” on the societies of surveillance; Metanarratives for resistance I. Icarus model II. Sisyphus model III. Orphic model The desert is advancing: Accountability revisited CONCLUSION References Appendices

Today’s surveillance is not confined to the scope of images and visibility. More and more, its panoptism comprises possible futures and virtual modes of existence. This has led to a shift in the concepts of privacy, subjectivation and the political itself. Nevertheless, this exercise of power is anything but new: governance via statistical data, probabilities, social sorting or preventive measures has a long tradition in Western politics. This paper will give a brief historical review of this modern ‘statistical rule’.

Knowledge, Technology & Policy, 2004

A critique of the dictionary definition of surveillance as "close observation, especially of a suspected person" is offered. Much surveillance is applied categorically and beyond persons to places, spaces, networks and categories of person and the distinction between self and other surveillance can be blurred. Drawing from characteristics of the technology, the data collection process and the nature of the data, this article identifies 28 dimensions that are useful in characterizing means of surveillance. These dimensions highlight the differences between the new and traditional surveillance and offer a way to capture major sources of variation relevant to contemporary social, ethical and policy considerations. There can be little doubt that major changes have occurred. However the normative implications of this are mixed and dependent on the technology in question and evaluative framework. The concept of surveillance slack is introduced. This involves the extent to which a technology is applied, rather than the absolute amount of surveillance. A historical review of the jagged development of telecommunications for Western democratic conceptions of individualism is offered. This suggests the difficulty of reaching simple conclusions about whether the protection of personal information is decreasing or increasing.