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1994, European Journal of Law and Economics
From its beginnings in the late nineteenth century, institutional economics has been concerned with the analysis of the interrelations between legal and economic processes. The institutional approach to law and economics examines both the influence of economy upon law and legal reasoning and the influence of law and legal change upon economic activity and performance. This essay examines the central tenants of institutional law and economics, dating from the early work of individuals such as Robert Lee Hale and John R. Commons and through its modern manifestations. As such, it emphasizes the evolutionary nature of law and economy, the tension between continuity and change, the problem of order, the reciprocal nature of legal-economic problems and the attendant dual nature of rights, the problematic nature of efficiency, and the need for a comparative institutional approach to the practice of law and economics. By recognizing the multiplicity of potential solutions to legal-economic problems and the underlying value premises attending each, the comparative institutional approach to law and economics attempts to flesh out both what is actually going on within the legal-economic nexus and the alternative possibilities open to society within the legal-economic decision-making process. JEL classification: K00
2011
From its beginnings in the late nineteenth century, institutional economics has been concerned with the analysis of the interrelations between legal and economic processes. The institutional approach to law and economics examines both the influence of economy upon law and legal reasoning and the influence of law and legal change upon economic activity and performance. This essay examines the central tenants of institutional law and economics, dating from the early work of individuals such as Robert Lee Hale and John R. Commons and through its modern manifestations. As such, it emphasizes the evolutionary nature of law and economy, the tension between continuity and change, the problem of order, the reciprocal nature of legal-economic problems and the attendant dual nature of rights, the problematic nature of efficiency, and the need for a comparative institutional approach to the practice of law and economics. By recognizing the multiplicity of potential solutions to legal-economic ...
Eur J Law Econ, 1995
This paper deals with the phenomenon of institutional change and it has been conceived as an attempt to answer the following question: Can we retain the image of institutional change contained in a theory when we replace a methodological foundation upon which the theory was built by a different and alternative one?. For an answer to be developed, special attention is paid to the contributions made by institutional economists (IE) and to those others by transaction cost-new institutional economists (NIE). The question clearly shows that it is rather a paper on applied methodology than a survey on institutional change contributions. Because of that, its main purpose is not to increase our knowledge about the characteristics of real changes in legal rules and social norms, their causes, their processes, nor their effects, though several examples are given of those institutionalist and new institutionalist contributions that analyze those changes. Our purpose consists of investigating the way in which these two groups of economists approach the object of analysis already mentioned. Our conclusion will be that institutionalist and new institutionalist contributions are built upon two different and mutually exclusive approaches because their respective methods of analysis (holism versus methodological individualism) are different and, above all, because they build their respective analyses upon some concepts that are mutually exclusive (concepts showing power/non-voluntary influences versus concepts showing voluntary transactions). Their analyses contain different and mutually exclusive images of the changes taking place in legal rules-formal institutions and social normsinformal institutions. Some comments about the limitations of the holist method of analysis are made in the paper. CONTENT I. Introduction II. The methodological foundations as inevitable constraints III. Some methodological foundations of institutional economics IV. The alternative methodological foundations of the new institutional economics V. On how different are the images of institutional change: the case of informal institutionssocial norms VI. The different images of change concerning formal institutions-legal rules I. INTRODUCTION Toboso, F.
Cornell Law Review, Vol. 96, No. 967, 2011, Cornell …, 2011
and all the other participants in the symposium for helpful comments and support. Errors are mine alone. Finally, I am grateful to the Institute for Advanced Study, where I was in residence during the Spring of 2011 while I completed this Essay.
Journal of Comparative Economics, 2017
Social scientists have paid insufficient attention to the role of law in constituting the economic institutions of capitalism. Part of this neglect emanates from inadequate conceptions of the nature of law itself. Spontaneous conceptions of law and property rights that downplay the role of the state are criticized here, because they typically assume relatively small numbers of agents and underplay the complexity and uncertainty in developed capitalist systems. In developed capitalist economies, law is sustained through interaction between private agents, courts and the legislative apparatus. Law is also a key institution for overcoming contracting uncertainties. It is furthermore a part of the power structure of society, and a major means by which power is exercised. This argument is illustrated by considering institutions such as property and the firm. Complex systems of law have played a crucial role in capitalist development and are also vital for developing economies.
This chapter aims at providing a definition of this rather new subject, which is situated at the crossroads of two different scholarly traditions, comparative law and economic analysis of the law. Comparative law and economics combines the instruments and methodologies of both these two disciplines because in this way it is possible to better understand the reasons of existing legal rules and institutions and of their evolution. It uses a dynamic approach to law, by focusing on the study of phenomena of legal divergence and convergence. These phenomena may take place within a single legal system, and in this case the analysis of legal formants (a technique created by comparative law) provides the analytical tool for verifying the law in action, which may be hidden behind different formal rules. Interaction may also happen among different legal systems, and we term this latter phenomenon 'legal transplant', which can take place for single rules or institutions or for entire branches of law, and can be determined by different reasons which range from prestige to forced imposition. Economic analysis of law provides further analytical tools that help measure the level and entity of analogy or divergence. Beside the traditional tools of neoclassical economics, useful insights may be gained through the instruments of the new institutional economics, particularly path-dependence, which, through the analysis of the relationship between formal and informal institutions, and of these with organizations, opens new lines of interpretation of legal change. JEL classification: 0560
Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 1996
Law <html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii="&"/> Social Inquiry, 1996
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2011
This dissertation is a collection of three chapters all pertaining to institutional economics. In short, the field of institutional economics is an outgrowth of public economics, in the sense that in many cases the key institutions that frame economic decisionmaking are the product of public policy. However this is not exclusive. Institutional economics' key contribution is the acknowledgement that cultural and social institutions-often developed organically over the course of centuries-can play as significant a role in individuals' economic choices as governmental policy. In the pages that follow, we will address the economic impact of cultural and political institutions in three contexts: Judicial decisionmaking in Islamic courts, the effects of negative health shocks on retirement savings, and the tradeoff between retirement savings and investment in durable goods. To my parents, Linda and Barry, and my sister, Alissa, To my grandparents, Ruth and
2011
Abstract Scholars widely agree that long-term economic growth requires a legal system providing for rule of law, contract enforcement and impersonal exchange. In this paper, we address a piece of this broad issue by studying the question, what is law? Drawing on other work (Hadfield & Weingast 2011), we argue that law has developed its distinctive structure, at least in part, to coordinate beliefs among diverse individuals and thus improve the efficacy of decentralized rule enforcement systems.
International Review of Law and Economics, 1983
Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung
"Konventionentheoretische Perspektiven auf die politische Okonomie des Rechts. Eine Einleitung". This introduction and the contributions of this HSR Special Issue "Conventions and Law from a Historical Perspective present the conception and analysis of law from the perspective of the French institutionalist approach of the economics of convention (EC). From the pragmatic viewpoint of EC, law is regarded as an institution through which actors "identify" the situation in which they interact regularly. Law can be seen as a "guide" in the coordinations in which actors are engaged and committed. So law is not conceived as simple external constraint for economic action because law has to be interpreted and mobilized by competent actors. Therefore, EC understands law as internal to situational coordinations. From its beginnings (three decades ago), EC has included the analysis of law into its institutional research. Also from its beginnings, EC has develo...
2011
The law fulfils important functions in society, contributing to its institutional structure, its policies and resolution of disputes. Workers employed in the law are providing a service, and economics can be applied to analyse the nature of this service. Such analysis must recognise the characteristics of law, including the costs and nature of deliberation. This requires more than the use of theoretical approaches which assume exogenous preferences and no transaction costs. Rhetoric is important in law, and there may be a rhetorical dimension to economics itself. This theme has led to the thesis having two components. The first considers methodological issues in the application of theories and techniques. The second then assesses aspects of the law. Groups and group cultures are considered as influences on academic disciplines including economics, and professions such as the law, as well as shaping political activity and social beliefs. The interpretation of theory as analogy is developed to evaluate the application of theory and empirical analysis to real world issues. Crossdisciplinary material is then used to provide alternative perspectives on democracy. These aspects assist in identifying possible failures in the formulation and implementation of law. From this foundation, and using selected criteria to assess policy development, parliamentary debate leading to changed legislation is investigated and limitations identified. Characteristics are then identified for the services provided to consumers by the legal sector. Provision involves a mix of participants, including lawyers, court staff and other professions. Process and persuasion are important, and there can be game playing between opposing parties. The result may be misleading signals to others operating-in the shadow of the law‖. Overall, concerns are identified about research methods, the quality of laws, the cost and quality of legal deliberation, and implications for behaviour by others. This a relatively untapped area with much potential for further research. I wish to thank all those who, in exchanges through various media and over many years, have contributed to the stimulating environment from which the ideas in this thesis have developed. These include colleagues, students, conference and seminar attendees and others I have only-met‖ through electronic communication. My supervisors, Allan Rae and Srikanta Chatterjee, helped steer this work to the current point. Many others may be unaware of the part they have played through a suggested reference, a question raised, or an argument that they have presented. It would be hard to single out individuals, but there are a few with whom I have had a long association over many years, who have become familiar with several of the areas covered here, and whose views I respect. They include the late Gary Buurman, Paul Callister, Philip Chapman, Bernard Robertson and Bryce Wilkinson. I am grateful to Alan Bollard for seeing potential in this area at an early stage and Muriel Newman for providing close exposure to political processes. I would also like to acknowledge the part played by my children in shaping the paths I have followed. They are grown and have their own lives now, but they have left their mark on this.
The purpose of this paper is trying to reach a brief understanding and overview of the law and economics methodology through exploring its history and origin, and how it was developed. Also this paper will highlight the sub fields of the law and economic methodology and how it operates. finally, it will present the criticisms of that methodology and the counter responses to such criticisms.
Journal of Law & Policy
Economic Sociology, vol. 14, n°1, pp.4-10., 2012
The metamorphose of contemporary economies rests on a deep transformation of modes of coordination. The rationale behind this change is usually presented as the substitution. Horizontal democratic coordination of informed and responsible individuals would replace former authoritarian and paternalist politics. For their information, regulative procedures or instruments play an unprecedented role in this new political economy. This paper is dedicated to recent research on the relations between law, economies and economics, benefiting from Economies des conventions (EC) and its new developments. A first section recalls why EC is adjusted for the analysis of law in action, and made possible a long-standing cooperation with law scholars. A second section introduces new analytical developments that help to situate legal regulations among a variety of guarantees and engagements which take place in economic and social life. They contributes to the critical clarification of new normative and evaluative devices which are involved in contemporary policies, in EU in particular.
Law and Social Inquiry, 1996
[From the body of the article:] This essay explores the possibilities for a productive intellectual exchange between Law and Society scholarship and the New Institutionalism in organizational analysis. The first section of the essay provides a brief introduction to these two traditions. We then turn to the "lessons" that each tradition might learn from the other. The second section of the essay outlines several important contributions that institutional analysis might offer to Law and Society scholarship. Law and Society research generally depicts organizations as instrumentally motivated and responsive primarily to the material constraints of legal sanctions. We argue, however, that sociolegal scholars might profitably consider institutional theory's alternative image of organizations as culturally constructed and responsive primarily to the normative and cognitive constraints of legal symbols. Further, sociolegal researchers might benefit from institutional writings on the micro-sociology of individual action and on the macro-sociology of societal rule systems. The third section of the essay turns the tables, exploring the contributions that sociolegal scholarship might offer to institutional analysis. Institutional accounts often depict the law as distinctively explicit, authoritative, and coercive. We argue, however, that organizational scholars might profitably consider the Law and Society movement's alternative image of law as highly ambiguous, political, and constitutive. The closing sections of the essay seek to synthesize these various lessons. The fourth section extends our earlier arguments to suggest that the relationship between law and organizations is a highly reciprocal one: Each realm interpenetrates, transforms, and reconstitutes the other, with neither being fully exogenous nor causally prior. The brief concluding discussion goes on to speculate that such reciprocality may apply not only to legal environments but also to other institutional environments as well. If so, expanded communication between the New Institutionalism and the Law and Society tradition demands renewed scholarly attention to the complex ways in which all institutionalized rule systems are reconstructed and mediated by day-to-day organizational life.
Socio-Economic Review, 2003
Social & Legal Studies, 2021
A focus on law’s role in economic activities was central to many of the classical sociologists, and it remains a key theme in the sociology of law, although no longer central. The view of capitalism as a market economy is reflected in formalist perspectives on economics, law and even sociology, and limits these understandings. Economic sociologists and institutional economists have examined the extensive institutionalisation of economic activity due to the shift to corporate capitalism since the last part of the 19th century, and have focused on law’s role in these processes. The neo-liberal phase of capitalism since the 1970s brought a renewed emphasis on property rights and market-based management, but accompanied by an enormous growth of new forms of regulation, often of a hybrid public-private character, leading to a new view of law as reflective or responsive, very different from traditional formalist perspectives. We argue that law’s role in the economy can be better understoo...
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