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The prospect that technological and social innovation in the use of communication and information technologies are bringing about an end to sovereignty has been a source of optimism, pessimism, and ambivalence. It has captured the popular imagination and it can be found in the anxieties of national leaders about the mingling and collision of cultures and cultural products within and across their borders, and about growing awareness that environmental threats bow to no flag. According to much of this discourse, national governments are becoming increasingly powerless in their battles against real or imagined plights of cultural imperialism (and sub-imperialism, that is, cultural imperialism within states) and capital mobility, as well as in their efforts to effectively exercise political control through surveillance and censorship. The end of sovereignty is a theme in political discussions about new pressures brought on by global regimes of trade and investment, and by unprecedented levels of global criminal networks for drug trafficking, money laundering, and trade in human flesh. It can also be found in the fact that social movements and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have recognized the need to match the scale of the problems they confront with appropriately scaled collective action. This article examines the discourse about the end of sovereignty and the rise of new institutions of global governance. Particular emphasis is given to how advancements in the means of communication have produced the ambivalent outcomes of threatening the democratic governance of sovereign states, and of serving as foundations for the assertion of democratic rights and popular sovereignty on a global scale.
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 2001
Traditionally, sovereign states have been defined, in terms of their external and internal dimensions, as mutually exclusive territorial jurisdictions. Economic globalization is associated with the liberalization of the world economy, decreases in transaction costs, the development of communication technologies, and the emergence of transnational social and cultural spaces. These have eroded the divide between national and international systems and fostered the dispersal of power in social networks. As a result, it is unrealistic to define state sovereignty as a counterpose to the global system, as these phenomena have become mutually embedded. States and their sovereignty are not disappearing-on the contrary, they may be gaining new tasks and resources-but they cannot exercise their agentive power as effectively as before. This means that the internal dimension of state sovereignty has been transformed more thoroughly than the external one. This is in part due to the growth and proliferation of transnational social movements, which have also gained agentive power in national societies. Therefore, the anti-globalization movement, although it is unable to halt the process of economic integration, has been able to redefine the terms of the globalization debate and influence responses by national governments and international financial institutions.
This paper examines issues of national sovereignty in the context of a right to communicate. It first provides a historical and philosophical overview of the development of communication rights. It then focuses on exemplary cases involving the intersection of national sovereignty with communication rights. Emphasis is given to exploring the implications for democratic communication and political and cultural participation in communities. Cet article examine les problèmes de la souveraineté nationale dans le contexte des droits à la communication. Il présente tout d'abord un panorama d'ensemble historique et philosophique de l'évolution des droits à la communication. Il se concentre ensuite sur des cas d'exemple de conflits entre la souveraineté nationale et les droits à la communication, en insistant tout particulièrement sur l'exploration des répercussions sur la communication démocratique ainsi que la participation politique et culturelle des communautés.
International Journal of …, 2007
This paper is a case study of the role of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and multi-stakeholder governance processes in the formation of international communication-information policy. It analyzes the Campaign for Communication Rights in the Information Society (CRIS) during the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS). The paper combines methods of historical institutionalism and empirical social network analysis. It documents the important role of the CRIS campaign in determining the norms and modalities of civil society participation in WSIS, and provides a critical assessment of the ideology of "communication rights." The SNA data reveal the centrality of CRIS affiliate Association for Progressive Communications in WSIS civil society and the paper explains that centrality in terms of its organizational capacity to link multiple issue networks. The paper also explores the strengths and weaknesses of multi-stakeholder governance as revealed by the attempts to institutionalize WSIS civil society. Imputed linkages between the institutions of democracy and the media of public communication are a staple of communication studies. Globalization poses a problem for these claimed links, however. The institutions for the realization of democracy are national in scope, but communications industries and information flows have become increasingly transnational. Internationally, there is anarchy among sovereign states and no global electorate or elections. Kahler and Lake (2004), drawing on the democratic theory of Dahl (1971), tick off the gap between established notions of democracy and the realities of international politics:
Perspectives on Politics, 2010
Fairness in Public Policy : Efficiency, Equity, and Beyond. 2011 Korean Association for Policy Studies KAPS International Conference, pp. 181-199, 2011
We seem to be entering a new global era characterised by increased global interdependencies, multi-level governance relations, and a new kind of negotiated order. This article discusses the ethical aspects of the emerging global governance. The global ethics agenda has been in the making since the latter part of 1940s, especially within the United Nations, later being addressed by such organs as the United Nations Development Programme, the World Commission for Culture and Development and the OECD. Key elements of this agenda include basic human rights, democracy, equity, development of poor countries, and peaceful conflict resolution. More concrete demands on global and multi-level governance concern the governing organisations’ policies and modes of institution-citizen interaction, which boil down to such issues as transparency, participation and accountability. The effectiveness and legitimation of the governance system is closely connected to the new global system of communication and the use of the Internet in particular. On a rather general level this requires that such ethically motivated issues as global telecommunications policy, universal service in telecommunications, cultural diversity and human skills are addressed within the system of global governance in order to guarantee that global communications becomes ‘global’ in the true sense of the word and contribute to ethically motivated globalisation and the democratisation of global governance.
European Journal of International Law, 2018
The law on global governance that emerged after World War II was grounded in irrefutable trust in international organizations and an assumption that their subjection to legal discipline and judicial review would be unnecessary and, in fact, detrimental to their success. The law that evolved systematically insulated international organizations from internal and external scrutiny and absolved them of any inherent legal obligations-and, to a degree, continues to do so. Indeed, it was only well after the end of the Cold War that mistrust in global governance began to trickle through into the legal discourse and the realization gradually took hold that the operation of international organizations needed to be subject to the disciplining power of the law. Since the mid-1990s, scholars have sought to identify the conditions under which trust in global bodies can be regained, mainly by borrowing and adapting domestic public law precepts that emphasize accountability through communications with those affected. Today, although a 'culture of accountability' may have taken root, its legal tools are still shaping up and are often contested. More importantly, these communicative tools are ill-equipped to address the new modalities of governance that are based on decision making by machines using raw data (rather than two-way exchange with stakeholders) as their input. The new information and communication technologies challenge the foundational premise of the accountability school-that 'the more communication, the better'-as voters turned users obtain their information from increasingly fragmented and privatized marketplaces of ideas that are manipulated for economic and political gain. In this article, I describe and analyse how the law has evolved to acknowledge the need for accountability, how it has designed norms for this purpose and continues in this
2017
State and sovereignty are two words, which in XXI century are the most commonly used, as in internal plan as well as at in the international plan, the latter even more. But, while in the past centuries was talked about sovereignty as something that is strongly and indivisible connected to the state as a mother with her child, in this century-in globalized world, the state and sovereignty are being used as something that were strongly connected, but today this connection is softened. This is done for many different reasons, because we are living in the time, where state sovereignty is not considered anymore as something absolute and intangible, meanings that no longer exists literally, and this is being proven every day more and more. We have the cases of humanitarian intervention, where the sovereignty of a state is taken temporarily or is violated, then we have the creation of regional and international organizations that every day more and more have gained strength within their or...
Global Media and Communication, 2005
info, 2007
Purpose-This paper provides a brief historical sketch of cable and telephone regulation in the USA, the purpose of which is to demonstrate the legacy that precedes contemporary debates over competing models of digital networks, and to question the justifications offered for regulating such networks as private property with no corresponding public service obligations. Design/methodology/approach-The paper relies on historical research to examine the rationales that have been used for cable and telephone regulation, based on the use of legal documents (statutes, regulations, court rulings). Findings-The historic justifications that have been used to protect telecommunications from competition amounts to what is known as ''corporate welfare''. Today's cable and telephone networks, and the accumulated wealth of the corporations that own them, would not have been possible without the willingness of regulators to favor particular firms and business models, and to protect these firms from competition under the rationale that these networks are ''natural monopolies''. Originality/value-Today's digital networks have been built on the wealth and market dominance that was made possible by protection from competition and the guaranteed rates of return that regulation permitted. Consequently, the property rights that have been afforded to network owners should be accompanied by responsibilities, namely, in the form of public service obligations.
info, 2004
Nonviolent civil disobedience is a vital and protected form of political communication in modern constitutional democracies. Reviews the idea of both demonstrating its continued relevance, and providing a basis for considering its uses as an information‐age strategy of radical activism. The novelty of the forms of speech and action possible in cyberspace make it difficult to compare these new methods of expression easily. Whether in cyberspace or the real world, civil disobedience has historically specific connotations that should be sustained because the concept has special relevance to the political theory and practice of constitutional democracy. Civil disobedience is a unique means of political expression that is used to provoke democratic deliberation about important questions of just law and policy. Among the significant problems that new forms of radical political practice in cyberspace introduce is that their practitioners and advocates neglect the need to distinguish betwee...
Laws
This article examines the legal and normative foundations of media content regulation in the borderless networked society. We explore the extent to which internet undertakings should be subject to state regulation, in light of Canada’s ongoing debates and legislative reform. We bring a cross-disciplinary perspective (from the subject fields of law; communications studies, in particular McLuhan’s now classic probes; international relations; and technology studies) to enable both policy and language analysis. We apply the concept of sovereignty to states (national cultural and digital sovereignty), media platforms (transnational sovereignty), and citizens (autonomy and personal data sovereignty) to examine the competing dynamics and interests that need to be considered and mediated. While there is growing awareness of the tensions between state and transnational media platform powers, the relationship between media content regulation and the collection of viewers’ personal data is rel...
International Relations, 2017
In English School theory, the putative change from an international society of states to a world society of individuals is usually associated with the diffusion of a benign form of cosmopolitanism and the normative agenda of solidarism. Consequently, the notion that world society might enable alternative expressions of transnational politics, independent from international society, remains underdeveloped. Drawing on the literature of contentious politics and social movements, this article challenges orthodox accounts and suggests that the global proliferation of digitally mediated linkages between individuals and nonstate actors constitutes a fundamental challenge to traditional dynamics of interstate communication in the form of the diplomatic system. This provides an opportunity to reconceptualize world society as an alternative site of politics distinct from mainstream international society and generative of its own logic of communication, mobilization, and action. The 2011 event...
Inmedia the French Journal of Media and Media Representations in the English Speaking World, 2013
There is a belief, implicit in the question, that national sovereignty should not only be considered outdated, but a source of division and violence within the world. The proposed solution to the problems in the world is to transcend the idea of the nation state through the evolutionary premise of globalization to ultimately create global governance. This essay will be divided into three main parts. The first part will establish the importance of the State in response to the first part of the question. Secondly, I will discuss the concept of globalization and hypothesise the ultimate realisation of globalisation as a New World Order. And finally, I will propose a possible balanced internationalist solution to the debate that does not see the state being eclipsed by globalisation, but a world in which statist, internationalist and globalist dynamics all inter-relate with one another.
Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft
Technology is of crucial importance for understanding the recent crisis of global governance and concomitant practices of re-territorializing sovereignty. It is far more than an instrument for putting ideas and interests into practice; it is embedded in relationships of power, gives expression to normative decisions and shapes the conditions under which politics is conducted. Technology empowers some actors and disempowers others. It makes new forms of political action possible and others more costly. This crucial role of technology has been emphasized in many dispersed parts of the IR discourse since long. What has often been overlooked, however, is that technological innovation can have a disruptive effect on international institutions. This paper traces this disruptive effect in the administration of the internet by underlining the close nexus between technology, sovereignty and global governance. It finally discusses promising avenues for future research.
Continuum, 2004
The essays in this issue are based on a research colloquium that took place on 5±7 May 2003 in the cities of Padova and Venice, Italy. Sponsored by the University of Padova, the colloquium theme was`Information Society Visions and Governance: the World Summit on the Information Society and Beyond'. The event was intended to serve as an opportunity for communication policy researchers to gather and re¯ect on research and policy agendas for global communication, in anticipation of the ®rst phase of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), which took place in December 2003 in Geneva. Global, or at least transnational, policy making is not a recent phenomenon, although the degree of public participation in global policy forums is arguably on the rise. These essays are focused mostly on the role of`civil society'Ðthat part of social life that is often distinguished from the state and the corporate sectorÐin the generation of a worldwide public discourse about the future of communication rights and the global policies that are needed to secure them. Of course, there are grounds for disagreement about how uni®ed this discourse is, given the broad range of issues that have recently been brought under the banner of`civil society', including questions about: the communication rights of indigenous groups, workers, women, children, and people with disabilities; intellectual property; community media; open-source software; access to information and the means of communication; global citizenship and much more (Civil Society Declaration, 2003). But at the WSIS in Geneva it became clear that there was considerable political will to establish and maintain an effective presence to represent`civil society', which no doubt will remain the case in future global communication policy forums, including the second phase of the WSIS, which is scheduled to take place in Tunis in November 2005. Before proceeding with a discussion of the role of civil society in global communication policy making, I ®rst offer a brief excursus on the historical signi®cance of the concept. For it is helpful to trace its origins as a way of seeing how far this idea has travelled to become a part of the lexicon of a global movement for communication rights.
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