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To the extent that psychologists are concerned to do more than collect raw data for possible interpretation, they cannot avoid interrogating the philosophical assumptions which inform their work. This paper argues that there is a vital need for conceptual clarification of many of the central topics studied by today’s sciences of the mind. Yet, rather than offering a comprehensive survey of these, this paper focuses on one illustrative, high profile case: the way in which our everyday understanding of reasons for action has been wrongly categorized in terms of ‘theory of mind’ abilities. Focusing on this example I show how it is possible to elucidate topics in the philosophy of psychology by relinquishing certain powerful explanatory temptations and by attending more closely to our everyday practices and activities.
Disputatio, 2009
Contributions to Phenomenology, 2004
Gurwitsch's account of how we encounter others provides a corrective contrast to contemporary approaches to social cognition. His analysis is based on phenomenology, but also appeals to psychology and studies of pathology. As such, it shows how there can be phenomenological intervention in the cognitive sciences. This chapter relates Gurwitsch's analysis to contemporary discussions of theory of mind, primary intersubjectivity, and recent discoveries in neuroscience.
The Logical Structure of Philosophy, Psychology, Mind and Language in Ludwig Wittgenstein and John Searle Articles and Reviews 2006-2019 2nd Edition, 2019
A superb effort, but in my view Wittgenstein (i.e., philosophy or the descriptive psychology of higher order thought) is not completely understood by anyone, so we can hardly expect Budd, writing in the mid 80’s, without the modern dual systems of thought view, and no comprehensive logical structure of rationality, to have grasped him completely. Like everyone, he does not get that W’s use of the word ‘grammar’ refers to our innate Evolutionary Psychology and the general framework of Wittgenstein’s and Searle’s work since laid out (e.g., in my recent articles) was unavailable to him. Nevertheless, he does a good job and nicely complements the work by Johnston (Wittgenstein: Rethinking the Inner) which I have also reviewed. Budd’s summary is a fitting end to the book (p165). “The repudiation of the model of ‘object and designation’ for everyday psychological words—the denial that the picture of the inner process provides a correct representation of the grammar of such words, is not the only reason for Wittgenstein’s hostility to the use of introspection in the philosophy of psychology. But it is its ultimate foundation.” An excellent study, but in my view, like them all, it falls short of a full appreciation of W as I explain here and in my other reviews. Those wishing a comprehensive up to date framework for human behavior from the modern two systems view may consult my book ‘The Logical Structure of Philosophy, Psychology, Mind and Language in Ludwig Wittgenstein and John Searle’ 2nd ed (2019). Those interested in more of my writings may see ‘Talking Monkeys--Philosophy, Psychology, Science, Religion and Politics on a Doomed Planet--Articles and Reviews 2006-2019 3rd ed (2019) ,The Logical Structure of Human Behavior (2019), and Suicidal Utopian Delusions in the 21st Century 4th ed (2019).
Minds and Machines, 2000
Wittgenstein’s Philosophy in Psychology, 2017
Asian Journal Of Social Psychology, 1998
According to the everyday understanding of the mind (called folk psychology), people's belief and desire causally combine to determine their intention, which in turn controls their action. However, recent empirical investigations have shown that psychologists' and laypeople's intuitions are not always in agreement about this common sense. To shed light, in this study folk psychology of belief, desire, and intention is conceptualized as a category of the mind; that is, a kind of category that embodies people's causal knowledge about human action. Four experiments explored the implications of this conception for understanding and prediction of social action (Experiments 1 and 2) and for explanation of simple scripted action (Experiments 3 and 4). The results showed that the present conception of folk psychology is useful in guiding empirical investigation. A systematic investigation of folk psychology may revitalize Heider's research program on naive psychology. Everyday understanding of human action requires an understanding of other minds. Ever since Premack and Woodruff (1978) posed the question, ''Does the chimpanzee have a theory of mind?'', humans' everyday understanding of the mind has become a major issue in psychological research. Often dubbed folk psychology, laypeople's conception of the mind has in recent times been investigated by philosophers of the mind (e.g.
In psychology, it is thought 'natural' to speak of people as possessing within themselves something called their "mind," and to think that minds have their own discoverable, intrinsic principles of operation, which owe nothing either to society or to history for their nature. But the "mind" as such is, I think, a mythic entity. And attention to it diverts our attention away from the detailed social processes involved, not only in negotiating the making of common meanings, but also from those involved in the everyday methods of testing and checking we use in establishing socially intelligible and legitimate common goals. It is its failure to notice the importance of these processes of normative evaluation which is, I think, psychology's mistake. What I want to claim below is: 1) that psychology is not a natural but a moral science; 2) that instead of what might be called a theoretical/explanatory approach, aimed at producing theoretical knowledge, it must use a practical/ descriptive approach, aimed at gaining practical-moral knowledge; 3) that this aim is much more difficult to achieve than might be imagined, as more than simply academic activities are involved; and 4) that although 'social constructionist' studies are required at present, our embodied nature is what is our ultimate problematic.
Philosophical Books, 2008
Mindscapes: Philosophy, science, and the mind, 1997
Journal for the History of Analytical Philosophy, 2021
Various writings by the later Wittgenstein on the philosophy of psychology, published posthumously, express his basic critical attitude toward certain concepts and issues in the philosophy of psychology. His attitude towards folk psychology is negative in principle, leaving him opposed to the foundation of current psychological research. This critique of folk psychology and of the philosophy of psychology in general is in accord with the general method of his later philosophy, that is, dealing with philosophical problems by dissolving them. However, his critical attitude towards folk psychology has been less influential in the development of contemporary philosophy, and is in opposition to the philosophy of psychology and folk psychology as practiced today. In this paper I will analyze Wittgenstein's understanding of the concept of psychology, offering a different interpretation from that of other scholars, and explain why and how contemporary philosophers of psychology misunderstand Wittgenstein.
Philosophia, 2012
One of the central explananda in the debate on social cognition is the interpretation of other people in terms of reasons for action. There is a growing dissatisfaction among participants in the debate concerning the descriptive adequacy of the traditional belief-desire model of action interpretation. Applying this model as an explanatory model at the subpersonal level threatens to leave the original explanandum largely unarticulated. Against this background we show how Brandom's deontic scorekeeping model can be used as a valuable descriptive tool for making folk psychology explicit. Following Brandom's non-formalist and nonmentalistic account of reason discourse, we suggest that the process of making sense of others is best captured as proceeding from a 'factive' baseline. According to this picture the ascription of beliefs and desires is not the default interpretation strategy, but rather the result of prior scaffolding of the agent's deontic score. We close by discussing Brandom's model in the light of empirical findings on the ontogeny of reason attribution.
Grazer Philosophische Studien
The nature of human social cognition has been the subject of one of the most contentious and interesting debates in psychology and philosophy of psychology of the past three decades. The central issue concerns how human beings manage to predict and understand each other's behaviour. All parties to the debate assume that interpreting human behaviour in terms of beliefs, desires, and other propositional attitudes, i.e., the reasons that persons have for their actions, plays a central role in our socio-cognitive accomplishments. The key dispute concerns how human beings come to know the reasons for which others act, and how they infer future behaviour from such attributions of reasons.
Folk psychology is under threat - that is to say - our everyday conception that human beings are agents who experience the world in terms of sights, sounds, tastes, smells and feelings and who deliberate, make plans, and generally execute actions on the basis of their beliefs, needs and wants - is under threat. This threat is evidenced in intellectual circles by the growing attitude amongst some cognitive scientists that our common sense categories are in competition with connectionist theories and modern neuroscience. It is often thought that either folk psychology or modern cognitive science must go. It is in these terms that the battle lines of today's philosophy of mind are drawn. If, as unbiased observers, we judge the progress of this war it becomes quickly obvious that the folk psychologists are consistently on the defensive. Ih light of this I sketch a general, but brief, strategy by which folk psychologists can, at the very least, protect some of their flanks and, at best, mount an offensive against the eliminativists.
Studia Philosophica Estonica, 2016
'Folk psychology' is a term that refers to the way that ordinary people think and talk about minds. But over roughly the last four decades the term has come to be used in rather different ways by philosophers and psychologists engaged in technical projects in analytic philosophy of mind and empirical psychology, many of which are only indirectly related to the question of how ordinary people actually think about minds. The result is a sometimes puzzling body of academic literature, cobbled together loosely under that single heading, that contains a number of terminological inconsistencies, the clarification of which seems to reveal conceptual problems. This paper is an attempt to approach folk psychology more directly, to clarify the phenomenon of interest, and to examine the methods used to investigate it. Having identified some conceptual problems in the literature, I argue that those problems have occluded a particular methodological confound involved in the study of folk psychology, one associated with psychological language, that may well be intractable. Rather than attempt to solve that methodological problem, then, I suggest that we use the opportunity to rethink the relationship between folk psychology and its scientific counterpart. A careful look at the study of folk psychology may prove surprisingly helpful for clarifying the nature of psychological science and addressing the contentious question of its status as a potentially autonomous special science.
Philosophical Investigations, 2009
The nature of human social cognition has been the subject of one of the most contentious and interesting debates in psychology and philosophy of psychology of the past three decades. The central issue concerns how human beings manage to predict and understand each other's behaviour. All parties to the debate assume that interpreting human behaviour in terms of beliefs, desires, and other propositional attitudes, i.e., the reasons that persons have for their actions, plays a central role in our socio-cognitive accomplishments. The key dispute concerns how human beings come to know the reasons for which others act, and how they infer future behaviour from such attributions of reasons.
Aufkläerung, 2021
The goal of this paper is to present some advantages of the representational and computational theories of mind when compared to other views, especially behaviorism. The idea is that representational and computational theories allow us to conceive propositional attitudes (mental states such as beliefs and desires) in a way that preserves two essential features we take them to have in common sense psychological explanations: semantic evaluability and causal efficacy. Behaviorism reconceives mental states in a way that doesn't preserve these essential features. In so doing, it makes a mystery of the success of common sense psychology. I illustrate some of the difficulties that behaviorism faces by considering and criticizing Wittgenstein's approach to linguistic understanding. The upshot is that representational and computational theories of mind do a better job at vindicating common sense psychology, and so are to be preferred when compared to behaviorism.
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