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2013 marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of al-Qaeda and twelve years since the September 11, 2001 terror attacks in the United States. Despite the global counter-terror campaign conducted against al-Qaeda, the organization and its partners are still responsible for the vast majority of terror attacks in the world, which kill and wound thousands of people every year. And beyond their involvement in terrorist attacks, al-Qaeda and its partners exert much influence in the international system, far more than their numbers and military power suggest. Al-Qaeda’s Odyssey to the Global Jihad explains how one terrorist organization, which at the height of its activity numbered a few hundred operatives, established a worldwide, highly influential phenomenon called the “global jihad movement” and succeeded, more than any other terrorist organization in modern history, in harming, harassing, and exhausting a hegemonic superpower and its allies and entangling them in bloody military campaigns around the world. As shown in the memorandum, the organization’s current activities extend beyond the region and could well lead to renewed momentum for global terror. The authors propose recommendations for coping with al-Qaeda and its partners, particularly in an era of turmoil and instability in the Middle East. Yoram Schweitzer is a senior research fellow and director of the Program on Terrorism and Low Intensity Conflict at INSS. He served in Military Intelligence as head of the International Terror Department and in the Prime Minister’s Office as a member of the task force on locating missing soldiers and prisoners of war. After his discharge from the IDF, he served as an advisor to the Prime Minister’s Office and the Ministry of Defense. He is the author of The Globalization of Terror: The Challenge of al-Qaida and the Response of the International Community (with Shaul Shay, 2003); Al-Qaeda and the Internationalization of Suicide Terrorism (with Sari Goldstein Ferber, 2005); and editor of Female Suicide Bombers: Dying for Equality? (2006). Aviv Oreg, a veteran of the Israeli intelligence community, headed the al-Qaeda and global jihad desk in the Research Division of the IDF Intelligence Branch. Following his discharge from the military, he founded CeifiT (Civil Effort in Fighting International Terrorism), which advises international, government, and private entities on issues relating to confronting global jihad and al-Qaeda. He is a member of the advisory council of the terrorism and uprising project of Imperial College Press in London and serves as a guest lecturer in academic and security institutions in Israel and abroad.
2013 marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of al-Qaeda and twelve years since the September 11, 2001 terror attacks in the United States. Despite the global counter-terror campaign conducted against al-Qaeda, the organization and its partners are still responsible for the vast majority of terror attacks in the world, which kill and wound thousands of people every year. Beyond their involvement in terrorist attacks, al-Qaeda and its partners exert much influence in the international system, far more than their numbers and military power suggest. Al-Qaeda’s Odyssey to the Global Jihad explains how one terrorist organization, which at the height of its activity numbered a few hundred operatives, established a worldwide, highly influential phenomenon called the “global jihad movement” and succeeded, more than any other terrorist organization in modern history, in harming, harassing, and exhausting a hegemonic superpower and its allies and entangling them in bloody and costly military campaigns around the world. . The memorandum introduce the reader with current developments the activities of Al Qaeda and its partners and the authors propose recommendations for coping with the emerging threat derived from these activities particularly in an era of turmoil and instability in the Middle East. Yoram Schweitzer is a senior research fellow and director of the Program on Terrorism and Low Intensity Conflict at INSS. He served in Military Intelligence as head of the International Terror Department and in the Prime Minister’s Office as a member of the task force on locating missing soldiers and prisoners of war. After his discharge from the IDF, he served as an advisor to the Prime Minister’s Office and the Ministry of Defense. He is the author of The Globalization of Terror: The Challenge of al-Qaida and the Response of the International Community (with Shaul Shay, 2003); Al-Qaeda and the Internationalization of Suicide Terrorism (with Sari Goldstein Ferber, 2005); and editor of Female Suicide Bombers: Dying for Equality? (2006). Aviv Oreg, a veteran of the Israeli intelligence community, headed the al-Qaeda and global jihad desk in the analyst and production Division of the IDF Intelligence Branch. Following his discharge from the military, he founded CeifiT (Civil Effort in Fighting International Terrorism), which advises international, government, and private entities on issues relating to confronting global jihad and al-Qaeda. He is a member of the advisory council of the terrorism and insurgency project of Imperial College Press in London and serves as a guest lecturer in academic and security institutions in Israel and abroad.
Global Jihadist Terrorism, 2021
by al-Qaeda (AQ) operatives, countering jihadist terrorism has become a primary security and political priority for many liberal democracies. The fact that global jihadist terrorism, notably in the form of AQ, Islamic State (IS) and their affiliates, has affected other liberal democratic regimes only deepens these concerns. Consequently, we have seen considerable shifts in the counter-terrorism (CT) strategies and tactics of liberal democracies, and in respect of their legal and other institutional arrangements concerned with security. Of course, jihadist terrorism has not only affected liberal democracies but more often than not it has also had greater direct impact on authoritarian states or, at least, on states other than well-ordered liberal democracies, such as Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Given their global ambitions and reach, the terrorist operations conducted by AQ, IS and their affiliates still impact upon liberal democracies both directly and indirectly. Such liberal democracies are the focus of both this volume and the European Research Council Advanced Grant (GTCMR-670172) research project of which it is a part. Global jihadist terrorism differs in important respects from traditional terrorism of the kind practised by the likes of the Irish Republican Army and the Palestinian Liberation Organisation. For one thing, the goals of global jihadism are not simply narrow, nationalistic ones but far more grandiose, notably the establishment of a Caliphate. Moreover, the harmful impact of global jihadist terrorism has been much greater. In its attempts to establish a so-called Caliphate, the terrorism perpetrated by IS has not only hit various Western cities but has also resulted in the deaths of far more people in the Middle East, predominantly among the Muslim population that it claims to represent. Further, there is an important difference in terms of tactics. Elements of the IS Caliphate project that have materialised over the past few years have relied upon a variety of brutal terrorist tactics to subdue and coerce local populations to ensure that they remain under IS control. Finally, global jihadist terrorism has taken a somewhat different organisational form, such as AQ operating
Strategic Studies, 2016
Danial Byman‟s latest book, Al Qaeda, the Islamic State and the Global Jihadist Movement: What everyone needs to know, comes at a crucial juncture in time when new terrorist outfits have been evolving out of the old ones. This piece of writing by Daniel Byman qualifies more as a handbook on Al Qaeda than an analytical attempt to ascertain how the terrorist organisations have developed over time. It may as well have been a detailed presentation of facts and figures if it were not for the author‟s personal but biased take on certain matters. It starts with a historical account of the pre 9/11 world and evolution of Al Qaeda long before that. In this section, the author explains how 9/11 was instrumental in bringing Al Qaeda from the periphery of global politics to its white hot centre. The author takes the readers back to the era of Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. According to him, this time around, Al Qaeda was slowly establishing its organisational structure which was upgraded with time. But the only thing more effective than the concrete structure of the organisation was the idea behind its very existence. An idea that made a small band of people powerful enough to terrorise the world was the real ideology of this organisation. However, this premise is based on a false assumption as these organisations are not merely composed of a few adulterated minds and wrongly interpreted religious notions. The truth, which the author completely ignores, is that there has been substantial evidence which points to the bigger powers that have funded such organisations.
This paper suggests that due to the intricacies it exhibits, al-Qaeda can be best understood as a global insurgency. It argues that in one sense al-Qaeda is a transnational insurgent organization in itself but at the same time that it is also representative of a wider global insurgency. The analysis will consist of three main parts. The first part proposes an analytical framework and differentiates al-Qaeda from a terrorist organization. Drawing on the proposed framework, the second part analyses al-Qaeda’s societal roots, paving the way for the third part, which demonstrates its global scope.
2011
In recent years, Al-Qaeda has suffered a number of setbacks, but has also successfully spawned an expansionist global jihadist movement that will survive the death of Osama bin Laden. This article describes how the multifaceted threat posed by global jihadism has evolved over the last decade. It first recounts some of the more salient examples of Al-Qaeda's post-9/11 strategic, ideological, and structural adaptations, and then offers a balance sheet of Al-Qaeda's contemporary strengths and weaknesses. Al-Qaeda continues to enable the violence of others, orient that violence towards the United States and its allies in a distributed game of attrition warfare, and foster a dichotomous "us versus them" narrative between the Muslim world and the rest of the international community. Despite this overarching consistency, Al-Qaeda shepherds a different phenomenon than it did ten years ago. The aggregation of the movement's strategic, ideological, and structural adaptations has fundamentally changed the nature of the jihadist threat to the West. This evolved threat is not inherently more dangerous, as counterterrorism efforts today focus on and disrupt capability earlier and more consistently than prior to September 2001. This multifaceted global jihad will, however, continue to produce greater numbers of attacks in more locations, from a more diverse cadre of individuals spanning a wider ideological spectrum.
SSRN, 2021
The unprecendeted growth of terrorism had made the environment of international peace and security far more complex than in the era of World war and Cold war. By utlizing the features of globalization the terror organizations had gone transnationalwith its elaborate complicated networks thereby changing the nature of conflict fought so far as these terror organizations as non-state actors tends to challenge the state stability as never before. Further the process of globalization had blurred the distinction between global and regional security because if there is a threat to regional stability then it willhave its spillover effects like in the form of refugee, migration crisis and other human right rights issues which became a matter of concern for international community as it threatens the international peace. Therefore in order to devise an efficient and effective counter policy to terrorism it is necessary to understand the perpetuators of terrorism- the terrorist organizations. This paper tends to analyse one of the prominent terror organization Al-Qaeda using the combined aspects of strategic framework and organizational theories that usually explains the decision making process of the organization. In this paper the background events that contributed to the evolution of Al-Qaeda as a organization, its objectives and underlying ideological narrative are discussed in detail. Further the modus operandi of Al-Qaeda are explained in the form of its terror tactics strategies, its organizational features and its revenue and logistics supply methods. Therefore this paper gives the detailed understanding about the working method of Al-Qaeda which helps to understand the policy implications that demands the combination of hard power to contain and soft power to curb it.
Globalization has affected the phenomenon of terrorism in both positive and negative ways as well, changing the nature of the groups and the tactics employed by terrorist organizations. In this paper, I argue that globalization has positively impacted al-Qaeda by providing a new threat to exploit, by supplying technologies that the group can use to extend its global reach, and by making movement across international borders a much easier process. Conversely, globalization has negatively impacted al-Qaeda by creating an environment in which international organizations, such as the UN, can thrive. In addition, the acceleration of travel, commerce, and communication between nations around the world has formed common interests for a greater number of states; these common interests then allow for greater ease and efficiency in forming coalitions and combining forces, and the threat of retaliation to al-Qaeda is thus much greater.
ISPI, Edizioni Epoké , 2014
13 years after the tragic events of 9/11, al-Qa‘ida can count on as many regional nodes as never before, as well as on a still significant influence over the most extreme parts of the wider radical Islamist galaxy. The movement survived to the loss of its sanctuaries in Afghanistan, to the elimination of its founder and several of its top leaders, as well as to the ephemeral victories obtained by the Muslim Brotherhood and its sister organizations, after the Arab Spring toppled several of the regimes it vowed to destroy. Victories that, till a couple of years ago, were described as the final nails in the coffin of al-Qa‘ida’s armed struggle: a global jihad that did not tolerate any compromise and that considered the ballot boxes as no more than a tool in the hands of the enemies of Islam. An armed global jihad tasked with the restructuring of the international system and with the restoration of the Golden Age of Islam. Despite all the requiems sang in the past decade by experts and officials alike, then, al-Qa‘ida is alive, albeit not as dangerous as in 2001. But, differently from the past, the group seems not to be alone. The last few years witnessed the emergence of a series of actors that, while sharing several features with al-Qa‘ida, developed new and often competing interpretations able to threaten its supremacy over the whole jihadi community. The swift ascendance of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, its creation of an emirate ruled by extremely rigid shariah norms, and the dispute soared between its leader, the “Caliph” Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and the amir of al- Qa‘ida, Ayman al-Zawahiri, are the most tangible evidences of this process. But they are just a part of a wider picture. In Tunisia and Libya the local branches of Ansar al-Shariah gave birth to an hybrid stream of jihadism, mixing appeals to social justice with calls to renew the armed struggle in defense of the Islamic community. In the “post-Morsi Egypt” the restive Sinai peninsula appears to have become the seat of a new “jihadist international”, able to gather a composite array of violent groups extolling objectives and modus operandi close to the ones expressed by al-Qa‘ida but not officially under its clouts. At the same time, growing numbers of foreign volunteers responded to the appeal launched by jihadist organizations fighting in Syria and Iraq - their ranks replenished by would be jihadist (often in their twenties or even younger) coming from all over the world, Europe included. A phenomenon that has been described by the main intelligence agencies as the most serious threat the West will have to face in the mid-long term. How did the Islamic State emerged in Iraq and Syria and how serious is its challenge for the international community and for al-Qa‘ida? What could be the impact of the different Tunisian and Libyan Ansar al-Shariah branches operating over north Africa and beyond? Can Sinai become the next frontier of jihadism and how is it affected by the instability pervading Libya and Palestine? Who are the European jihadists fighting in Syria and Iraq and what could be their impact once they decide to return to their homes? How do security agencies perceive the threat of transnational extremist networks and which are the strategies they implement to counter them? These are some of the questions this volume aims to address taking in account the heterogeneity of a phenomenon that has been aptly described as an hydra, capable of regenerating from every single blow and – above all – of spawning new heads once one is cut off.
Perspectives on Terrorism, 2010
In their most recent book, Cutting the Fuse: The Explosion of Global Suicide Terrorism and How to Stop It, Robert Pape and James Feldman offer us their new analysis of the causes of suicide terrorism. To this end, the authors present detailed case studies on the causes of suicide terrorism in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Lebanon, Israel and Palestine, Chechnya, as well as those related to Al-Qaeda. In each of these specific case studies, the authors examine variables such as the nature and number of groups, their goals, the specific trajectory of suicide campaigns, their targets and weapons, local community support and the composition of recruitment. The book is structured around three hypotheses: (i) foreign military occupations are the major factor leading to suicide terrorism; (ii) foreign military occupations also account for transnational suicide terrorism; and (iii) suicide terrorism can only be effectively combated in the long-term through a strategic change in the military policies of the occupying state. Fundamentally, the arguments in this book can be understood in philosophical terms as violence being an existential rejection of oppression; oppression of host population being the inevitable consequence of the foreign occupation. This point is perhaps most directly put forth by Pape in his most recent article "It's the Occupation, Stupid" (Foreign Policy, October 18, 2010) wherein Pape examines the negative consequences of the various cases of occupation.
Overview of Al Qaida strategies and cultural techniques used by Islamistic terrorists until 2005 (but also today). Published by German anthropologist Thomas Hauschild. First warning of convertites from the West to enter Al Qaida ever published
In the book Global Jihad: Case Studies in Terrorist Organizations, written by Ingrid Borárosová, Aaron T. Walter and Ondřej Filipec, the concept of Jihad from various perspectives is introduced. The book is divided into two parts. In the first part the concept of Jihad is presented with special focus on Islamism and radical interpretation of Salafism. A special chapter is dedicated to terrorism and media, especially medial strategies and the presence of Jihadist groups in new media. The last chapter of theoretical introduction is presenting selected highly actual issues of international law. The second part of the book consists of eight case studies dedicated to jihadist organizations which are most relevant in the contemporary medial context: The Islamic State (Daesh), Al-Qaeda, Al-Nusra Front, Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, East Turkmenistan Islamic Movement, Arab Mujahideen in Chechnya and Lashkar e Tajiba.
Politics and Religion, 2011
Politique étrangère, 2008
Perspectives on Terrorism, 2011
In recent years, Al-Qaeda has suffered a number of setbacks, but has also successfully spawned an expansionist global jihadist movement that will survive the death of Osama bin Laden. This article describes how the multifaceted threat posed by global jihadism has evolved over the last decade. It first recounts some of the more salient examples of Al-Qaeda's post-9/11 strategic, ideological, and structural adaptations, and then offers a balance sheet of Al-Qaeda's contemporary strengths and weaknesses. Al-Qaeda continues to enable the violence of others, orient that violence towards the United States and its allies in a distributed game of attrition warfare, and foster a dichotomous "us versus them" narrative between the Muslim world and the rest of the international community. Despite this overarching consistency, Al-Qaeda shepherds a different phenomenon than it did ten years ago. The aggregation of the movement's strategic, ideological, and structural adaptations has fundamentally changed the nature of the jihadist threat to the West. This evolved threat is not inherently more dangerous, as counterterrorism efforts today focus on and disrupt capability earlier and more consistently than prior to September 2001. This multifaceted global jihad will, however, continue to produce greater numbers of attacks in more locations, from a more diverse cadre of individuals spanning a wider ideological spectrum.
Journal of Politics and Law, 2012
How is the current United States (US) counterterrorism (CT) strategy suited to combat the evolving threat posed by the Al Qaeda terrorist network? Although in some respects the US CT strategy has delivered the intended results of its sponsors, a number of events in the past several years demand that the US government reorients particular aspects of its approach to transnational terror in order to stay ahead of its adversary in the global war on terror (GWOT). Multilateral and multifaceted traits of the US CT strategy underscores the need to maintain and develop new and effective partnerships with institutions, organizations, and overseas states; but until the US government begins to look at the GWOT -not in terms of big-war paradigm, but instead as new type of war characterized by global insurgency -Al Qaeda and the Global Silafi Jihad will continue to punch above the capacity of Western democracies to manage their position in the GWOT and stay ahead of the game. 152 mitigation and prevention.Although there are a number of collaborative efforts set in motion to allay the current threat matrix, that matrix has proven its capacity topunch above the US' weight in a number of areas and test the capacity of the US' adaptability in responding a global insurgency. As such, America needs to recast its mode of thought in terms of the threat of transnational terrorism in a manner that enables it to forecast the milieu of Al Qaeda aggression, and operate in a way that is more akin to the present-day trends and tactics of the network.
This paper is on the philosophical origin, history, and the future of Al Qaeda, a network that has admitted to financing and training a vast number of terrorists and terrorist operations, and is allegedly responsible for a number of major attacks against US assets throughout Africa and the Middle East, as well as the World Trade Center terrorist attack in 2001. Al Qaeda, which translates to "The Base" (, is a revolutionary Islamic organization, which is a continuation of a revolutionary Islamic movement stemming from early 20 th century Islamic thinkers (el Sayed el Aswad 2010) . Al Qaeda and its affiliate groups have as their goal a social movement to remove non-Islamic rulers from traditional Muslim lands, push American forces out of the Islamic world, ignite a global Islamic revolution, and establish rule by Islamic law known as Sharia (Committee on International Relations 2004) The process by which Al Qaeda and other Islamic revolutionary groups hope to achieve these goals is through "Islamism" and "Islamization", terms coined by anthropologist Azza M Karram to described the process by which religious order is established in a community after the destruction or withdrawal of other hegemonic forces (Arce, Long 2011) and this concept will be briefly touched upon.
This article considers the current state of the Al Qaeda terrorist movement and its likely future trajectory. It considers the principle assumptions both today and in the past about Al Qaeda and how they affect our understanding of the movement and the threat that it poses; Al Qaeda's current capacity for violence; and its ability to plan strategically and implement terrorist operations. The article further identifies nine key change drivers that will likely determine Al Qaeda's fate in the years to come before concluding that, even while the core Al Qaeda group may be in decline, Al Qaeda-ism, the movement's ideology, continues to resonate and attract new adherents. In sum, it argues that Al Qaeda remains an appealing brand most recently and most especially to extremist groups in North and West Africa and the Levant.
The Islamic State (IS), also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) with their brutal Sunni Muslim terror organization [42] swept into the global media spotlight [23] and to prominence in 2012-2014 during and after Syria's civil war with their leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi [42]
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