The idiom of family

Savosavo kinship terminology is remarkable in that it covers fifteen generations, a feature unique in its immediate geographical context, the Solomon Islands, and rare cross-linguistically. The aim of this paper is to present the kinship terminology system of the easternmost Papuan language from both an anthropological and a linguistic perspective, thus providing a comprehensive account of the terms, the system they form, their morphosyntactic and pragmatic features, and how they are used in everyday life. Both consanguineal and affinal kin are considered.

American Anthropologist, 1956

American Anthropologisl [58, 19561 usages (and associated terminology) through time and the relation of this description to the particular adaptation of a society to its natural and social environments. This is what Spoehr, Gough, and others have done. Bruner's material suggests a different model. The data from Lone Hill requires more explicit attention to individual differences or to situational (structural-functional) determinants to account for individual choice of alternative kinship usage. A. KIMBALL ROMNEY and DUANE METZGER, University of Chicago REFERENCES CITED BRUNER, EDWARD M. 1955 Two processes of change in Mandan-Hidatsa kinship terminology. American Anthropologist 57:840-850. Menasha. 1941 Some aspects of culture change in the northern Philippines. American Anthropologist 43:ll-18. Menasha.

Relatives and relations in Paluai, 2017

This paper discusses the expression of kinship in Paluai (Baluan-Pam, ISO 639-3: blq), an Oceanic language spoken on Baluan Island, Manus Province, Papua New Guinea. Based on data gathered during extensive fieldwork, the authors first consider the formal characteristics of nominal possessive constructions that are relevant to the kinship system. Subsequently, the set of consanguineal and affinal kinship terms is presented, followed by a detailed discussion of social organization on Baluan Island and the role of the kinship system therein, and how this may fit in with the different forms of nominal possession that various terms can take. All kin terms except four (pên 'daughter', pwai 'cousin', kauwat 'in-law', and polam 'in-law') can only enter into direct possessive constructions. The final part of the paper is dedicated to the use of kinship terms in a changing cultural context, including the use of birth order terms, which are a relatively rare phenomenon, and the partial replacement of the system by terms from the creole language Tok Pisin.

International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2nd edition), 2015

Kinship terminologies consist of the terms used to reference culturally recognized kinship relations between persons. These terms have been assumed to identify categories of genealogical relations (despite ethnographic evidence to the contrary), and kinship terminologies are classified using differences in genealogical referents of kin terms. Recent analysis, however, by building on ethnographically validated procedures for computing kin relations from kin terms without reference to genealogy makes evident the underlying generative logic for the structure of kinship terminologies. Making the generative logic of terminologies explicit provides a more rigorous comparative basis for the study of kinship terminology systems.

Kinship

This article compounds the effort of a social anthropologist and a linguist to understand and to analyze what is known about the triadic terms of the Mẽbêngôkre, a Northern Jê people from Central Brazil. Triadic terms are kinship terms that refer to a single individual but encode at least two kin relations simultaneously: that between the addressee and the referent, and that be-Vanessa would like to thank the Mẽtyktire Mẽbêngôkre for hosting her during numerous visits, in par 1 ticular the late Beriberi and her late son Karupi, the late Kôkônhere and her daughter Kena, and Mẽkarõti (Megaron), who was the main helper in translating her field materials. Lea also thanks her interlocutors in Australia over the years, including Pat McConvell, Nick Evans and Joe Blythe. Andrés would like to thank his Mẽbêngôkre-Xikrin hosts, and, in particular, Ikrô and Bepkamrêk, who have always been available to answer questions. The authors would like to thank Clara Foz and Andrey Nikulin for commenting on an earlier version of this article, and an anonymous reviewer for painstaking corrections.

Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 2010

The target paper claims to contribute to the conceptualisation of kinship but is, in fact, only concerned with descriptive kinship terminologies. It uses Optimal Theory to analyse this vocabulary but it is not clear if this is to be understood as a psychological phenomenon. Jones does not make clear how this special vocabulary might relate to kinship in general.

Iranian Studies, 2010

Kinship, 2023

This article compounds the effort of a social anthropologist and a linguist to understand and to analyze what is known about the triadic terms of the Mẽbêngôkre, a Northern Jê people from Central Brazil. Triadic terms are kinship terms that refer to a single individual but encode at least two kin relations simultaneously: that between the addressee and the referent, and that be-Vanessa would like to thank the Mẽtyktire Mẽbêngôkre for hosting her during numerous visits, in par 1 ticular the late Beriberi and her late son Karupi, the late Kôkônhere and her daughter Kena, and Mẽkarõti (Megaron), who was the main helper in translating her field materials. Lea also thanks her interlocutors in Australia over the years, including Pat McConvell, Nick Evans and Joe Blythe. Andrés would like to thank his Mẽbêngôkre-Xikrin hosts, and, in particular, Ikrô and Bepkamrêk, who have always been available to answer questions. The authors would like to thank Clara Foz and Andrey Nikulin for commenting on an earlier version of this article, and an anonymous reviewer for painstaking corrections.

Maluku dan Irian Jaya. Special Edition of Buletin LEKNAS [= Bulletin LEKNAS] vol. 3 no. 1, "1984" [issued 1994]. (Jakarta: LIPI-LEKNAS / Indonesian Institute of Sciences), 1994

'Kinship' and 'marriage', and the relationship between the two, have been central issues in anthropology at least since the time of Lewis Henry Morgan. This is partly because, in anthropological attempts to study 'cultures' or 'societies' holistically, we must seek definable subsystems of social relations which are (1) relevant to the people being studied, and (2) capable of comparison with similar subsystems found around the world. The topic of this article, 'kin, spouses, and in-laws', exemplifies a cluster of such subsystems of social relations. That is because relations of genealogical connection are probably both universally posited and universally used to allocate social rights and duties (Scheffler 1973:748). Turning to the specific ethnographic case this article will discuss, I shall first present evidence to show that the Tobelo themselves isolate and consider relevant, for at least some purposes, social relations based on genealogical connection. Thus further analysis is justified in isolating that subsystem (the 'kinship system'), defined as a system of social relations based on genealogical connection. Next, by recognizing and defining the Tobelo institution of marriage (not always an easy task, as early missionaries reported and as we shall see below), we can include in our analysis two other kinds of social relations: the spouse, and the in-laws (the latter being defined as the kin of one's spouse and the spouses of one's kin).