Fuzzy concepts in a fuzzy hierarchy: Varieties of anger

… of Psychopathology and …, 1999

This research explored facets of anger based on a multidimensional-associationistic conceptualization (Berkowitz, 1994) that includes antecedents, behavior, cognitions, and experiential response dimensions. High and low anger-prone individuals responded to six audiotaped situations validated in previous work to be anger provoking. Participants evaluated their own audiotaped responses, as did peer judges. Participants also completed the Social Problem Solving Inventory (SPSI) and the Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI) and they reported on the effect of anger experiences in their lives. Neither self nor peer ratings of the audiotaped responses differentiated the behavior of anger groups. High and low anger-prone individuals, however, differed in the way that they viewed the consequences of their behavior and how anger affected them in general. Furthermore, high anger-prone individuals had elevated levels of pathology on eight of the nine scales of the BSI and scored significantly lower on the SPSI. Results are discussed in terms of assessment of anger proneness, its relationship to psychopathology and implications for future work. 'Although the Berkowitz (1994) model provides a good framework for thinking about the major components of anger in terms of structural elements or the architecture of the system, Lang's (1968, 1993) bioinformational processing model of emotion and Foa and Kozak's (1986) extension have much relevance for intervention techniques in terms of the "emotional processing" of a network and have also been influential in our thinking. 4 We thought it was important to get information on various aspects of the anger experience such as intensity, frequency, and appropriateness for treatment purposes, and thus this was retained as a major domain for assessment and treatment. Technically, frequency and intensity could have been included under anger response dimensions and appropriateness or experiential labels could be included under cognitive response dimensions. 'Although individuals were selected by a trait anger scale, we prefer to label them as high or low anger-prone, as the term "trait" has many connotations. We prefer the probabilistic connotation of "proneness," as opposed to the more "fixed" notion of a trait, which has an association with traditional individual differences notions as well as the psychodynamic literature.

Russian journal of linguistics, 2024

Cognitive linguistic investigations into the metaphorical conceptualization of ANGER suggest that languages are remarkably similar on a schematic level, with intensity and control as two, possibly universal dimensions underlying the metaphorical conceptualization of ANGER. These dimensions, however, can manifest themselves in language-specific metaphors. Yet arriving at a definitive answer to the question of universality versus variation is hindered by (a) a relatively limited number of systematic, contrastive analyses; and (b) varied methodologies, with some papers adopting a typebased account, while others following a token-based analysis. We take up both challenges in the present paper with the aim of offering a more definitive answer to the question of the universality and variation of ANGER metaphors. We investigate the ANGER metaphors of a type-based analysis, focusing on dictionary data of ANGER-related idioms, and a token-based analysis, focusing on data collected from online corpora, in three languages: (American) English (2,000 random instances of the lemma anger from the Corpus of Contemporary American English), Hungarian (1,000 instances of the lemma düh from the Hungarian National Corpus) and Russian (1,000 instances of the lemma gnev from the Russian National Corpus). The lexical data were analyzed with the well-established Metaphor Identification Procedure (MIP). Our results indicate that there is a great deal of congruence relative to shared metaphors in both approaches, but this derives from specific-level metaphors in the lexical approach, whereas it derives from more schematic, generic-level metaphors in the corpus-based approach. The study shows that the full picture of the metaphorical conceptualization of a complex emotion concept such as ANGER can only emerge with the combination of the type-and token-based approach.

Revista de Estudios Sociales, 2024

"As readers of this issue absorb the many disparate topics treated in the articles that follow this very brief introduction, they may find it helpful to consider that anger is probably not one thing; that its different meanings do not necessarily perform the same interpersonal, communicative, and moral functions; and that it may be a component of—or lead to, or be associated with—many other feelings as disparate as love, hope, and sorrow." Barbara H. Rosenwein

Revista de Estudios Sociales, 2024

The purpose of this issue is, based on the following proposed thematic axes, to bring together articles that study the subject of anger from different disciplines, traditions, and perspectives. Past and present of anger. Anger as a political emotion. Anger and gender. Anger in the non-Western world. The religious justification of anger. Anger and mental illness. Anger in the context of 21st century social movements. Anger in literature and philosophy.

Emotion, 2004

The authors propose that (a) although strong negative affect can evoke anger without appraisals, appraisals after the initial reactions conceivably might influence the later emotional experience independently of the felt displeasure; (b) maintaining that particular stimuli can automatically elicit anger does not imply that anger will be dominant; and (c) anger is frequently blended with other negative emotions such as fear. A particular stimulus' context can affect this stimulus' meaning and thus determine its effect, but if the stimulus' meaning is held constant, the stimulus will evoke the response to which it is connected. Carefully controlled experiments are required to resolve the issues raised. The theories advanced should offer testable postulates rather than untestable assertions of what processes supposedly were operating.

1975

Anger is a subject which is seldom discussed independently of other topics. Because of this there appears to exist no work which would enable helping professionals to understand and deal specifically with anger related problems. The purpose of this study is to define the basic dynamics of anger and to suggest a method by which educationally oriented helping professionals may deal with the emotion. Anger is defined as experiential emotional state which is characterized by a physiological arousal state. The arousal state is accompanied by cognitive desires to inflict harm (verbal or physical) on another person or object. Anger is seen as having six different causes which, the author defines as six different types of anger. The types of anger are: (1) Instinctive anger: A biological adaptive anger which stems from a well defined threat to one's property, life, or family; (2) Frustration anger: Anger which is the result of the frustration of an organism's goal oriented response;...

Emotion, 2004

Research bearing on several popular conceptions of the major determinants of anger arousal indicates that the particular appraisals often identified as causes of anger frequently only serve to affect the intensity of the anger that is generated. Research into effects of physical pain or other physically unpleasant conditions or involving social stresses suggests that decidedly aversive conditions are a major spur to anger. Experiments are also reviewed showing that anger-related muscular movements can also lead to anger-related feelings, memories, cognitions, and autonomic responses. Alternative explanations for the findings are discussed. The authors urge emotion theorists to widen their methodology and analyses so that they give careful, detailed attention to the many different factors that can influence anger.

I will suggest that the English word 'anger' and its counterparts in diverse languages of the world are based on concepts of anger that have a great deal of complexity. This conceptual complexity derives from several sources: (1) the metaphors and metonymies that apply to the concepts in various languages; (2) the prototypes of anger that people share in these cultures, and (3) the many different senses that the word anger and its counterparts have in different languages. We can ask: Are there any universal aspects of the concept(s) of anger? On the basis of linguistic evidence from English, Chinese, Japanese, Hungarian, Zulu and Wolof, I will suggest that there are, but I will also claim that some of the aspects are culture specific. This raises the further important question of why there is both universality and culture specificity in the conceptualization of this emotion. At stake is the issue of which of the following two contradictory claims is valid: (1) that anger is conceptualized in the same way universally, or (2) that anger is a social construction and thus varies considerably from culture to culture. I will propose a compromise view, which can be called 'body-based social constructionism', that enables us to see anger and its counterparts as both universal and culture specific.

2009

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Cambridge Journal of Education, 2010

This article examines the cognitive appraisals associated with the emotion of anger based on interviews with teachers. An analysis of these appraisals demonstrated that teachers experienced different forms of anger depending on whether they were relating to other adults or their pupils. Anger in relation to children was based on persistent goal blockage, the build up frustration and the assignment of blame. Such anger, referred to here as restricted anger, was expressed at the time and seemed to involved limited cognitive elaboration. By contrast, anger in relation to parents and colleagues was associated with blaming others for having brought about an unfair/unjust outcome and a perceived threat to self. Such anger, referred to here as elaborated anger, was not displayed immediately but appeared to be cognitively dwelled upon and maintained. These two forms of anger and their appraisals are examined and their implications for teachers and teaching considered.