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2009
uébec trade unions can boast about a unionization rate of 39.7%, which is the highest in Canada (average 31.2%) and much higher than the mean American rate. Nevertheless, this enviable situation at best has stabilized, and for the worst has started to decline, if decimals are to be taken up seriously. But let us consider the actual situation and its more recent developments in the legal framework and institutional arrangements. As those are the result of social relations, in which the strength of trade unions, as well as their audience and legitimacy play a significant role, it is very difficult, and clearly out of the scope of this article, to screen all of the favourable factors that contributed to Quebec's positive labour relations situation. One key factor which, to trade union eyes, remains problematic, is the declining rate in the private sector (26.2%), as the traditionally unionised manufacturing jobs disappear and trade unions hardly make up with successes in the private tertiary sector.
2006
Just Labour
successful campaign to organize printing industry workers in the U.S. used innovative strategies that may be useful and instructive for Canadian unions. The campaign was initiated in 2002 by the Graphic Communications International Union (GCIU) 1 at Quebecor World, a Canadian company, and one of the world's largest commercial printing companies. Quebecor, which began as a small Quebec-based newspaper publisher, operates 150 commercial printing facilities in 16 counties and has revenues of over $6 billion. The Graphic Communications International Union has since merged with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) in the United States and the Communications Energy and Paperworkers Union of Canada (CEP) in Canada. At the time of the campaign, GCIU had approximately 80,000 members in the US and Canada, almost all of them in the printing, publishing or packaging industries. GCIU used a comprehensive campaign strategy of rank and file organizing, membership mobilization, corporate leverage and global solidarity to win a neutrality and fair election process agreement with Quebecor World and brought union representation to hundreds of printing industry workers. BACKGROUND-THE U.S. LABOUR MOVEMENT Since the 1970's U.S. unions have suffered a precipitous decline in membership. The reasons for this decline have been extensively debated, dissected and documented elsewhere (Chaison and Rose 1991; Riddell and Riddell 2001). While political and economic factors, such as weak labour laws, globalization, the decline of manufacturing. the rise of a contingent workforce and the increasing anti-union behaviour of U.S. corporations have played a major part in the decline, many observers, including many union activists began, in the late 1980's, to argue that unions themselves have been responsible, at least partially, for the decline in union density.
Socio-Economic Review, 2005
For the first twenty-five years after the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was enacted, it appeared that it would have little impact on Canadian labour laws. The Supreme Court of Canada took the view that the guarantee of freedom of association in the Charter did not include a right to strike and did not provide protection for collective bargaining. Common law rules regulating picketing did not come within the scope of the Charter’s rules on freedom of expression. Academic commentators were divided on whether this was a good or a bad thing, some espousing the hope that the Charter could be applied in pursuit of greater justice in the workplace while others were thankful that the courts were not interfering with legislative formulation of collective bargaining law and policy. Slowly, however, the courts have come to a different view of the Charter, finding that its values serve to provide protection for picketing, and in a sweeping revision of former jurisprudence in 2007 holding that the guarantee of freedom of association does provide protection for collective bargaining. This article describes the changing judicial views of the Charter through three distinct periods, each roughly a decade long: the formative period, the period of consolidation, and the period of re-assessment. It also traces some of the academic reaction to these developments. It concludes by an assessment of how trade unions are attempting to harness the changing view of the Charter to pursue a variety of challenges to the existing legislated collective bargaining schemes in Canada. In doing so, the paper uses the metaphor of the Charter as a cathedral, with the judges and academic commentators as artists painting a variety of views of the Cathedral. It is only through assessing the multiplicity of views that one can hope to achieve even a partial understanding of the Charter’s role in Canadian labour law. Pendant les vingt-cinq premières années qui ont suivi l’adoption de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés, il a semblé qu’elle n’aurait que peu d’incidences sur les lois canadiennes sur le travail. La Cour suprême du Canada estimait que la garantie de liberté d’association prévue dans la Charte ne couvrait pas le droit de faire la grève et n’offrait pas de protection pour la négociation collective. Les règles de common law en matière de piquetage n’étaient pas visées par les dispositions de la Charte sur la liberté d’expression. Les observateurs du milieu universitaire étaient partagés sur la question de savoir s’il s’agissait d’une bonne ou d’une mauvaise chose; certains exprimaient l’espoir que la Charte puisse être appliquée dans la poursuite d’une meilleure justice en milieu de travail, d’autres étaient simplement reconnaissants que les tribunaux ne s’immiscent pas dans la formulation par le pouvoir législatif des lois et des politiques en matière de négociation collective. Les tribunaux en sont toutefois lentement venus à adopter une opinion différente de la Charte et ont conclu que ses valeurs servent à offrir une protection pour le piquetage, et en 2007, s’écartant remarquablement de la jurisprudence existante, ils ont conclu que la garantie de liberté d’association confère une protection pour la négociation collective.Cet article décrit l’évolution de la jurisprudence en ce qui a trait à la Charte pendant trois périodes, chacune étant à peu près d’une décennie : la période formative, la période de consolidation et la période de réévaluation. Il y est aussi question de la réaction de certains auteurs et observateurs à ces développements. L’article conclut sur une évaluation de la façon dont les syndicats tentent de profiter du changement de point de vue sur la Charte pour poursuivre diverses contestations des régimes de négociation collective qui existent actuellement au Canada. Ce faisant, l’article considère métaphoriquement la Charte comme une cathédrale, les juges et les observateurs du milieu universitaire étant des artistes qui en peignent chacun une vue différente. Ce n’est qu’en procédant à un examen de la multiplicité de vues que l’on peut espérer comprendre, ne fût-ce que partiellement, le rôle de la Charte en droit canadien du travail.
2012
As a result of the transformations taking place in the world of work, unionism is increasingly moving away from its traditional basis in the North American context (one firm, one employer, employees forming a union within a defined regulatory framework). Although subscribing to the thesis of the crisis of unionism, we believe that union action is being revived in other forms, in alliance with other actors, according to various logics and levels of action which are not taken into account by traditional frameworks of analysis. In this article, we analyze the experiences of two different groups of workers in the Quebec childcare services sector (employees and self-employed workers) as examples of emerging forms of unionism. We also propose that a new framework, based on a broader definition of actors, the analysis of their logics and levels of action, and their goals and the rules they try to modify or construct, will be useful to grasp the contemporary forms of workers’ collective act...
Labour Le Travail, 2006
Industrial Law Journal, 2020
Based on in-depth qualitative research conducted in one of the major French trade unions (CFDT), this article explores to what extent and under what conditions trade unions adopt different legal practices to further their members’ interests. In particular, it investigates how ‘legal framing’ has taken an increasingly pervasive place in trade union work, in increasingly decentralised industrial relations contexts, such as France. This article therefore argues that the use of the law has become a multifaceted and embedded repertoire of action for the CFDT in its attempt to consolidate its institutional power through various strategies, including collective redress and the use of legal expertise in collective bargaining and representation work.
It is a well known fact that in every industrial community there are two distinct classes i.e. the Employees and the Employers, without whom production at a large scale is not possible. Both these parties usually have contradictory motives, which creates many problems. Over the ages, the teeming millions which constituted a sizeable chunk of industrial society have struggled hard to achieve a greater measure of protection against inhuman treatment meted out to them by employers. They have learned to make themselves secure against ills over which they believed to have little control. In fact individually the labourers can do little to bring about the kind of reforms they believe desirable. They are effective only if they act in united ways. The very idea of joint action, laid down the foundation of the instrument of struggle for security and advancement – “Trade Union”. The Trade Union came into existence as an agent of workers and working class at large. It performs two functions:-
2015
Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. Érudit offre des services d'édition numérique de documents scientifiques depuis 1998. Note : les règles d'écriture des références bibliographiques peuvent varier selon les différents domaines du savoir. Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter à l'URI
Relations industrielles, 1982
This paper presents a case study of the development of industrial unions in one Canadian city during a crucial union-building decade. It situates the Montréal experience in its provincial, national and continental context.
An essential resource for trade unionists, labour rights organisations, NGOs, researchers, governments and policy makers, and for anyone interested in the history of labour unions, the right to organise, freedom of association, and worker's organisations around the world. The new edition contains 198 country profiles, with: • an up-to-date directory database of all national trade union centres and major sectoral and industrial unions • a political and economic history of the country • an overview of current and historical trends in trade unionism and industrial relations Each country profile in the encyclopaedia is a labour movement fact file and describes the political, economic and legal context in which trade unions operate, outlines key facets of labour law, and looks at the historical development of unions up to the present day. The global compendium contains data on thousands of unions. Trade Unions of the World also contains profiles on all major international trade union organisations. To order, visit ICTUR's website: http://www.ictur.org/TUW.html Published June 2016. 678pp, softcover. © The International Centre for Trade Union Rights 2016 ISBN: 978-0-9933556-0-8
1989
Chapter Two: The Dilemma Reaches the Courts 20 Chapter Three: P o l i t i c s and the Dilemma 39 Chapter Four: The Dilemma i n R i g h t s Theory 53
2012
In the second part we set out the way by which labor force and unions, while appropriating of the high performance work systems’ content (HPWS), allow the emergence of a new subject of the production which we have characterized as production agent, contrary to its main-d'œuvre condition, characteristic of the Taylorist/Fordist pattern of organization. This subject of the production impacts in the process of union redefinition, granting it a wider perspective on the resources of power created from a new kind of membership.
Just Labour
As well as this research, the author draws on recent empirical work of his own. Using data derived from interviews with senior officials, national officials and shop stewards it will examine the impact of industrial action ballots on the procedures, practices and behaviour of trade unions and, more specifically, whether workers under the new balloting system seemed more inclined to vote to avoid confrontation with employers and, in so doing, took a less conflictual and more accommodating stance than would have been the case under the old legislative provisions. T The expectation was that the empowerment of the individual member would result in more moderate decision-making. This paper draws on empirical data gathered from an in-depth analysis of seven case study trade unions: Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), Electrical, Electronic Telecommunications and Plumbing Union (EETPU, now part of AMICUS), Civil and Public Services Union (CPSA, now part of the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCSA)), Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen (ASLEF), Rail and Maritime Trade Union (RMT), Bakers Food and Allied Trade Union (BFAWU) and National Association of Teachers in Further and Higher Education (NATFHE). The research also involved the execution of 101 interviews, which included trade union officials, members, the Commissioner for the Rights of Trade Union Members (CROTUM), the Certification Officer (CO) and the Deputy General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress (TUC).
Industrial Relations Journal, 2006
This commentary reports on the role of the Certification Officer in the regulation of trade union internal affairs. Debate concerning the amount of external supervision of the internal affairs of trade unions has been a recurring theme in labour law for many years.
elow is an annotated list of selected recent publications on unionization and labour market performance, with relevance to Canada-U.S. labour market comparisons and the effect of collective bargaining structures on economic and social outcomes. While the broad literature on this topic is vast, the publications summarized below seem to be germane to Canadian aspects of the U.S. Employee Free Choice Act debate that are considered in this special issue of Just Labour.
The German Journal of Industrial Relations, 2003
Since 1999, the main French employers' organisation (Medef) has been promoting a radical transformation of the institutional framework of industrial relations and the welfare state. This initiative, known as the "Social Re-foundation" agenda, has started to be implemented through a new cycle of inter-sectoral negotiations with the unions, on major issues such as the reform of the social security and unemployment insurance schemes: "the ways and means for the development of collective bargaining", etc. Echoing the trends observed in many national industrial relations systems in Europe and also at the UE level, the "Social Re-foundation" represents the most ambitious attempt ever made in France at redefining the boundaries between legal and contractual rules in the regulation of employment relations. In order to assess the issues at stake with the "Social Re-foundation", the paper first provides a brief historical overview of the French indu...
New Zealand , 2007
This paper reports on a small exploratory study of factors significant to the formation, and rapid proliferation of new predominantly workplace-based unions, or New Unions, under the Employment Relations Act 2000. Specifically, it examines the motivations and interests of workers who decided to form and join those unions and the role of other parties, notably employers, in that decision. Workers’ dissatisfaction with and mistrust of existing unions were factors significant to their decision to form New Unions, while the role of employers was found to be less influential and less dominant than previously thought. Overall, this paper argues that New Unions may be a predominantly employee, not an employer, driven phenomenon.
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