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Fuel and Energy Abstracts
Scholars often examine mass media as operating within one of several specific theories. Studies examine press operations to determine the governing theory. This article proposes an approach in which mass media act to develop and disseminate informal cultural theories that govern institutions. These theories are derived from the primary culture within which mass media operate. Disagreements over the role and function of mass media, such as the renascent NWICO debate, revolve around cultural differences. With culture as a foundation, the press serves to define social components and institutions, even itself, and the relationships between them.This study suggests analyzing relationships asserted through mass media as monadic, dyadic or triadic, depending upon the number of components. Two basic relationship types are symmetrical and complementary. In symmetrical relationships, the components have equal status. In complementary relationships, one or more of the components have superior or inferior status. Conflict may occur when one or more of the components reject or ignore an asserted relationship type.Communication has two aspects: content and relationship. In the debate over press role and function across cultures and national boundaries, emphasis on content often ignores implicit relationship. In the absence of explicit relationship definition, culture defines the relationships in press content. Actual press freedom requires freedom from cultural restraints that can be difficult to recognize.► This article proposes an approach in which mass media act to develop and disseminate informal cultural theories that govern institutions. ► With culture as a foundation, the press serves to define social components and institutions, even itself, and the relationships between them. ► This study proposes analyzing relationships asserted through mass media by component number and basic type: monadic, dyadic or triadic, and symmetrical or complementary. ► In the debate over press role and function across cultures and national boundaries, emphasis on content often ignores implicit relationship.
2004
This paper examines the interface between the media and the society. While maintaining that the society may not need the media to function, it states that the media need a society to function in. The media links the people with the political processes. The paper looks at the various ways that the media have acquired power within the society and in turn have used such to impact on the activities in the society. Special attention is drawn to interventionist media influence on the political institutions, structures, the rules of governance and societal culture.
Penerbit Universiti Malaya, 2012
This paper is an introductory-level discussion of theorization of the dynamic relationship between press, culture, and society. The introduction summarizes two epochal interpretations of this dynamic as advanced by Nerone and Barnhurst's analysis of the history of newspaper forms and its relation to civic society, as well as Curran's historical content and processes interpretations of media and society. The bulk of the first part discusses Siebert and colleague's four theories of the press and some of the modifications made to these theories and the ideas that led to changes in the conceptualization of the press. The main thesis of the paper the idea of sequential modifications of existing press theories that focus on the press' social responsibilities within the framework of the social environment. Subsequently, the second section discusses recent trends in conceptualization of media systems.
Mass Communication and Society, 2002
Work on categorization of national press systems in the last 40 years has been grounded in the well-known Four Theories of the Press. Whereas this approach has been strongly criticized by international scholars for its idealism and its poverty of empiricism, it is still widely taught in introductory journalism courses across the country, and few theorists have engaged in grounding the theory with data in international settings. Although journalism is contextualized and constrained by press structure and state policies, it is also a relatively autonomous cultural production of journalists negotiating between their professionalism and state control. This article thus proposes a new model incorporating the autonomy of individual journalistic practices into political and social structural factors-the interaction of which might currently more accurately represent press practices in the new international order. With an understanding of the background of the journalistic practices and state policies of 4 countries/cities, the multinational media coverage of a specific event is explicated in the light of the new model. This new model explains the journalistic variations that cannot be clearly revealed using a statepolicy press model alone.
European Journal of Communication, 2019
ELSEBETH FREY 12 Muslim countries where journalists seem to be motivated to monitor business and politics, which are qualities of the watchdog role (ibid:569f). Blumler states that, although Western factors are abound in the Worlds of Journalism Study, the examination of contextual differences means that 'an overly "Western-centered focus"' was avoided (Blumler 2017:683). For, even though the Anglo-American model of journalism 'seems to stand out as the only universal model' (Mancini 2005:78), academic as well as global winds blew in another direction, making it obvious that the model 'cannot be grafted on to any other systems' (Schudson 2005:104). Thus, Curran and Park (2000) aimed to broaden the understanding of media theory and the experiences 'outside the Anglo-American orbit' (2000:11). In addition, they write that global theory underplays the importance of nations, which they believe are influential in shaping media systems (ibid:12ff). Also De Burgh emphasizes that how journalists act depends on culture. Furthermore, globalization 'has meant a sharing of techniques, and formats and professional attitudes but also, paradoxically, globalisation has brought about an intensified awareness of the power of culture such that we cannot afford to ignore it' (2005:17). For example, examining journalistic culture in Muslim-majority countries, Muchtar et al. saw that journalists support national development and advocate for social change, 'particularly […] journalists in Bangladesh and Indonesia, Oman and Qatar, as well as Sierra Leone and Sudan' (2017:564). However, as a study from Ramaprasad and Rahman (2006) shows, it is not necessarily contradictory to believe in critical reporting and, at the same time, to endorse national-building values. Normative and empirical As Hallin and Mancini state, comparative studies are valuable but risky (2004:5). One of the many reasons for this is that using surveys and interviews to examine journalism's values and norms generates results on how journalists think, not on what they do. So, there could be a gap between expressed values and work in practice and a need to follow up with research on journalistic content. Furthermore, journalism, as well as studies of it, tends to be normative. For journalism, normativity is its legitimization (McQuail in Josephi 2005:576). Maybe due to the hegemony of the Anglo-American model, it is often argued that detached, critical journalism may lead to better democratic practices. Others have stated that a socially responsible press may lead to social harmony or that advocacy journalism can bring about change. Schudson (2003:198), for example, states 'the press by itself is not democracy and does not create democracy'-unless the state tolerates criticism of its power and permits some degree of self-government for the press (ibid:197). Merrill points to the 'cacophony of muttering worldwide about press freedom' (2009:10), ironically refer-22 ELSEBETH FREY United Nations (1948). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights [online].
A tradition and a culture of freedom of the press are developed in the combination of the responsible decisions of publishers and journalists with the judicial support. Such culture is, above all, the best guarantee of freedom of the press and its ability to act as a watchdog for public office holders. Tradition must guard a firm press in the task of scrutinizing the performance of those in whom the public has placed trust. A culture of the press, as many democracies today demonstrate, should be guided by a sensitivity that afflicts those who live comfortably (public office holders) and at the same time comforts the afflicted (the public, lato sensu). Of course, such a culture may imply that the press occasionally overdoes it: it is the price to pay. But the existence of independent and sensible courts and an effective Press Council can curb such excesses. Moreover, societies must be available to bear the costs of freedom of the press. Even if we do not accept the statement as a whole, there is at least merit in accepting the basic spirit from the viewpoint of Lord McGregor of Durris (chairman of the UK Press Complaints Commission) that "a free responsible conduct of a free press should tolerate some irresponsibility-often shocking-as a price to pay for freedom because a press that is free to be responsible should also be free for irresponsibility. " The critical factor in all matters pertaining to the restriction of press freedom is that the boundaries be publicly debated and interpreted by fully independent courts composed of individuals of the highest integrity. Independence of the "media" The concept of media independence is very complex. Generally speaking it refers to the independence of journalists from any form of interference in the performance of their profession. Indeed, the media keepers are daily involved in journalists' work as wage earners. In many countries, the government itself is the largest owner of media (often from the largest television and radio stations)-a situation that runs counter to the authentic sense of media independence of state influences. The rights of journalists in state-owned enterprises and the degree of freedom they enjoy are sometimes-not always, however-established and legally guaranteed. The lack of legislation and regulation in this area is a direct threat to the independence of the media. In Britain, where, for example, the BBC is viewed as an extension of the government and enjoying more independence than many state-run media in other countries, the government has recently introduced restrictions on the freedoms of producers and journalists. In particular, interviews with leaders of the Irish Republican Army, both on the BBC and on other television stations, were prohibited. Of course, the argument that "a financially dependent press cannot be completely independent" is validated.
Published by Routledge, London, 2021, 299 pp. n the early noughties, when I was still active as a journalist, I attended a meeting with colleagues from Latin America and Africa. Any external observer to that meeting would have concluded that journalism was the same everywhere: according to the conversations, our job consisted predominantly of monitoring the government and those in positions of power; being objective and always showing the 'two sides' of each story; and informing, educating and entertaining the readers. Many attendees agreed that everything else was a deviation from 'real' journalism. A few years later, once I shifted to academia, I discovered that not only were we unknowingly paraphrasing the founding principles of the BBC, but there were different journalistic traditions around the world, some of them detached from the supposed 'universal' ideals of objectivity and neutrality, with alternative understandings of the social duties and civic engagement that journalists should have (for an overview, see Esser & Umbricht, 2013). At a time in which journalism is under greater technological, financial and political pressures, Claudia Mellado's edited book Beyond Journalistic Norms: Role Performance and News in Comparative Perspective is a welcome contribution to current debates not only about the function that journalism should play in society, but more crucially about what journalists actually do in different contexts, beyond personal and professional ideals. The book is the outcome of the Journalistic Role Performance Project, a global research initiative that surveyed hundreds of journalists around the world and analysed 64 newspapers from 18 countries between 2013 and 2018. The focus of the study has been on 'how particular journalistic norms and ideals are collectively negotiated and result in specific practices' (p. 12), thus offering an empirically grounded critique to often repeated assumptions-particularly in popular discourse-that journalism is bounded by a clear set of principles and practices. Mellado's book paints a much richer, more complex picture. Journalists may effectively act as watchdogs of the powerful-as they often claim to do-, but can occasionally adopt a more loyalist approach, seeking to cooperate with authorities or express support for the nation; they may also provide entertainment, civic information or advice to audiences; and may seek to disseminate facts or adopt a more interventionist role (pp. 34-40). These different roles are neither hierarchical nor exclusive. None of them are 'good' or 'harmful' per se. They can reinforce each other and may also be employed by journalists at different times, even within the same news story. Moreover, the roles are not the outcome of particular media systems-as in the classic typology of polarised pluralist, democratic corporativist or liberal (Hallin & Mancini, 2004)-, therefore challenging assumptions that specific geographical, economic or political contexts necessarily produce a typical set of journalistic practices. Data from the United States, for instance, shows that journalism in that country has significant levels of opinion and interpretation (Chapters 5 and 6), I
The current study goes back to the beginnings of media communication in order to re-examine and valorize this field’s specific aspects. Special attention is given to the invention of the printing press in Europe, by Johann Gutenberg, or by another person hidden under this name, and to his influence in spreading information and entertainment. The printing press would become an industry, seen as a business. This liberal approach of printing texts necessary to an ever growing and increasingly educated public would contribute to the emergence of the first publications (journals or gazettes). Their diffusion would be enabled by the readers’ need for news and entertainment, as well as by the interest in profit, as proven by the owners of such businesses. Keywords: Gutenberg, print, communication, typographic technique, information, news, occasionals.
2009
Histories of the printed press and occupational myths tend to emphasise that journalists in most European countries have long been concerned about interferences from political authorities in the editorial sphere. But over time, other sources of potential influence, including advertising, commercial pressures, competition and other economic pressures became matters of concern. As news evolved to become a big business, news desks have had to cope with different forms of political and economic influences, ranging from soft pressures to strict censorship. On the whole, journalistic practices have been strongly marked by national historical situations and values linked to the particular context in which media were built and to the balance of power with political authorities. European democracies and Eastern regimes produced many national journalistic traditions and models, reflecting differing forms and degrees of media independence and editorial freedom.
and Keywords Siebert, Peterson, and Schramm's Four Theories of the Press has been a powerful influence on scholarship on comparative press systems and normative press theories in the years since its publication in 1956. Its appeal comes from the way it combined a history of Western development with a normative schema that is simple and teachable. Critics have pointed out the shortcomings of both its historical accounts and its theoretical structure, charging that the book expressed a Cold War mentality, elided non-Western and nonliberal theories and practices, and neglected the complicating dimensions of race, class, gender, and ethnicity. Critics also note that actual press systems are usually governed by hybrid norms, and that press systems are increasingly interconnected, overlapping, and global. Yet, Four Theories of the Press retains significant influence despite these criticisms. One reason is that no real replacement has appeared and it is unlikely that a new map of normative theories will win acceptance. The work emerged at a unique moment of Western liberal global hegemony and a successor would require a similar hegemonic moment.
2008
The article shows the limitations of the 'indexing' hypothesis, an influential conceptualization of state-press relations based on the notion that the media tend to reproduce the range of debate within political elites. The hypothesis, as confirmed by an international comparative investigation of the elite press coverage of 9/11 in the US, Italy, France, and Pakistan, cannot be applied outside the American context. The analysis finds that the variation in the levels of correlation between elite press coverage and governmental discourse are explained by previously neglected variables: national interest, national journalistic culture, and editorial policy within each media organization. The article argues that more international comparative research and multidisciplinary approaches are needed in order to renew old paradigms, especially at a time when the distinction between foreign and domestic politics is disappearing.
Unfettered access to information; including on politics, terrorism, social problems, corruption, and any other sensitive issues that have a significant influence on people's lives is considered a central pillar of democracy and human development. This study advocates that the press plays a crucial role in the public sphere for example, journalists not only disseminate information. They functions to discover truth (Milton 1904), educate public and enable understanding. Also, they help in maintaining and achieving the balance between stability and change (Emerson 1970: 7), provide different views to make intelligent political choices (Emerson 1962-1963: 881), encourage citizens to participate in the discussion of public issues (Habermas 1989) and therefore ensuring social benefits (Mill 1989: 36). This study also focuses on a theoretical background that discusses and analyses the forces that shape media content as well as the messages that constitute the symbolic environment outside the media organisations. Nerone (1995) argues, " A truly free press would be free not just of state intervention but also of market forces and ownership ties and a host of other material bonds " (p.22). Media theorists argue that journalists " have to make decisions at the centre of a field of different constraints, demands or attempted uses of power or influence " (McQuail 2000: 249). To understand what affects media representation, this paper is going to give an in-depth explanation about the role of state, government, media owners and economic in controlling media content.
There is no doubt we live a period of scholarly fluctuation, where long-established normative principles, nowadays seemingly dated, are being disputed. Entire bodies of knowledge and traditions, conceived in the early 1920s in North American and Western European democratic societies, institutionalised theories and disciplinary approaches that are no longer applicable to the diverse geopolitics, and cultural backgrounds of the rest of the world. Surprisingly, it has not been until fairly recently that these disciplines and traditions have encountered an increasing level of friction and resistance, mostly from academics in, and from, the Global South, who are trying to decentre the debates of these fields, and question their inherent racial, ethnic, religious and gender biases. It is within this context that Claudia Mellado publishes her edited collection Beyond Journalistic Norms: Role Performance and News in Comparative Perspective. As comparative media studies regain popularity in the research agendas of disciplines like journalism studies and political communication (see, for instance, Worlds of Journalism: Journalistic Cultures Around the Globe by Hanitzsch et al., 2019) Beyond Journalistic Norms is the result of a cross-national study in 18 countries. The study challenges the colonialist and reductionist assumption that there is one universal type of journalism, whose norms and traditions are valid in different political, economic, and geographical contexts. The first phase of this study (a second phase, which includes more countries, is currently ongoing) took place between 2013-2018. It brought together scholars from
Baha'i Studies Review, 2010
The contemporary press has, in many countries, evolved into a discursive battlefield characterized by a war of words and images. Against this backdrop, some normative theorists of the press assert the need for alternative models of journalistic practice in which the press serves as a forum for more thoughtful and constructive processes of democratic deliberation. As a contribution to the field of normative press theory, this paper articulates a model of the press that derives from the teachings of the Baha'i Faith. At the core of this model are the principles and objectives of consultation, which is a collective decision-making process that Baha'is employ. This paper explores elements of this normative model of the press, which are scattered throughout a wide range of primary Baha'i texts, in order to bring the model into clearer focus. The purpose of the paper is to highlight the heuristic value of the model for press theorists and practitioners, inside and outside the Baha'i community. In its coverage of public policy issues and current events, the contemporary press has, in some countries, evolved into a discursive battlefield. 1 Within this battlefield, public discourse is characterized by a war of words and images. Diverse interest groups vie with one another to influence and dominate public perceptions. The most powerful interest groups mount sophisticated communication campaigns while less powerful groups respond with guerrilla communication tactics. Commercial news organizations often capitalize by reporting, and arguably encouraging, the drama and spectacle, while citizens grow more divided, alienated and cynical. These patterns of media content are epitomized in the American media, which tend to represent human society metaphorically as a 'war of all against all'. 2 Yet these patterns, which are in part a result of the hyper-commercialization of media, are increasingly being exported to, and emulated within, other countries that are following the American lead in this regard. 3 Against this backdrop, some normative theorists of the press, such as those who advocate models of civic journalism or public journalism, assert the need for alternative models of journalistic practice in which the press serves as a forum for more thoughtful and constructive public dialogue regarding issues that require collective attention. 4 According to such theorists, journalists need to become more effective at facilitating modes of democratic deliberation that
Political Communication, 2004
In political communication research, news media tend to be studied more as a dependent than independent variable. That is, few studies link structural characteristics of media systems to the production of journalistic discourse about politics. One reason for this relative silence is the inadequacy of prevalent theories. Influential scholars in sociology and political communication such as Jrgen Habermas, Manuel Castells, and William Gamson provide only sketchy, institutionally underspecified accounts of media systems. Likewise, models in the sociology of news have tended to either aggregate societal level influences (chiefly political and economic) that are analytically and often empirically quite distinct or overemphasize micro-level influences (news routines, bureaucratic pressures). In between such micro- and macro-influences, the mezzo-level "journalistic field" represents an important shaping factor heretofore largely ignored. As path-dependent institutional logics, fields help ground cultural analysis; as interorganizational spatial environments varying in their level of concentration, they explain heretofore undertheorized aspects of news production. Drawing on the sociology of news and field theory (Bourdieu and American new institutionalism), this essay offers a series of hypotheses about how variable characteristics of media systems shape news discourse. Since variation at the system level is most clearly seen via cross-national comparative studies, international research is best positioned to build more generalizable theory about the production of journalistically mediated political discourse.
2018
Using structuration theory, assuming that every government has a stake in steering public communication and comparing 46 nation-states, this paper explores the major principles that can be used to explain different mass media structures around the globe. The study draws on extensive documentary analysis and includes more than 150 expert interviews. It shows that media freedom and journalists' autonomy depend on not only the particular governmental system, the constitution, journalism education, and the existence of commercial media but also, to a significant extent, on economic realities, the tradition of press freedom, and various other factors that are historical, religious, and/or geographic. The tool to do so is a mass media system typology based on two dimensions: formal expectations and the state's influence.
Brazilian Journalism Research
Between the end of the 19th century and the middle of the last century, the press was explored by a group of German and American scholars, who had somehow occasionally shared the journalistic practices, the concern about teaching journalism in academic settings, the study of newspapers and its relation to society, as well as sociology as a fi eld of journalism investigation and teaching. The extensive reviews on the diff erent theories of journalism display a huge gap on this historical content which comprises the so-called "social theories of the press" (H. Hardt, 1970), except for isolated references to the study of journalism and society conducted by M.
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