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This article presents a comparative semantic analysis of the aspectual and focus adverbs already, still and STILL in English and imi/pelsse 'already' and acik/ yothay 'still' in Korean based on their presuppositions and their focus interpretation. I argue that the two contrasting views of aspectual adverbs as logical duals and as scalar (focus) particles are both necessary in order to explain the English and Korean data. Aspect concerns the internal structure of events, relating a current state with the onset or the end of the state. These transitions are available for focusing, which triggers an explicit contrast between the asserted state and an alternative state with an opposite polarity. Korean is shown to lexicalize aspectual and focus adverbs differently from what is expressed in English by a single adverb with focus marked prosody. The meaning of aspectual and focus adverbs in both English and Korean is representated in Discourse Representation Theory van Eijck and Kamp 1997).
This paper uncovers a systematic correlation between semantics of aspect and syntactic argument structure as manifested in the difference between two imperfective aspect markers -ko iss and -a iss in Korean. Unlike the common assumption that the -ko iss form is a progressive marker, while the -a iss form is a resultative marker, this paper argues that the difference between the two derives from their different argument structure: -ko iss selects transitive and unergative verbs, which have an external argument, while -a iss selects unaccusative and passive verbs, which only have an internal theme argument. It is argued that the difference in argument structure is determined by semantic event structure depending on agentivity in Korean. The results of the paper have broader implications for the issues of syntax and semantics interface and unaccusativity.
Korean employs two types of imperfective constructions: the resultant state-A ISSTA construction and the progressive-KO ISSTA construction. Consensus has not yet been reached on the licensing conditions of these two constructions. A further complication arises from the fact that in limited cases the-KO ISSTA construction also licenses a resultant state. In this paper, we suggest that these complexities arise from the subtle properties of eventualities (in particular, achievements) and further from the tight interactions among the three perspectives of aspect: lexical, grammatical, and phasal properties of the eventuality in question.
Studies in Language, 1993
The temporal system of noun-modifying clauses in Korean manifests a three-way aspectual opposition among non-prior imperfective, prior imperfective, and morphologically unmarked perfective, a crosslinguistically common pattern manifested in West African languages, creole languages, Persian, and Lakhota, etc. The semantic and mor-phosyntactic distribution of temporal expressions in noun-modifying clauses in Korean cannot be characterized with the temporal dimension of aspectual distinctions such as completion, ongoingness, inception, duritivity, but with the totality dimension of aspectual distinctions of whether the speaker's viewpoint is within or outside the event frame in which the situation described takes place.
This paper inquires into the meaning of the progressive in Korean and English by focusing on its complementation restriction. Although the English progressive, due to its semantics of ''process in progress'', cannot normally accept stative verbs such as know, love, have, etc., the Korean progressive ko iss form naturally occurs with them. Rather than proposing a different semantics of ko iss, such as general imperfective or resultative , this paper suggests that know-type verbs in Korean are in fact event descriptions, or more specifically, inchoative eventualities, which indicate the inception of a continuous state. In so doing, this paper not only solves the stative verb complementation problem but also provides a unified semantics of ko iss as denoting a middle phase of a situation (Lee, 1991), encompassing both its on-going process and state readings. This analysis will also explain the difference between the Korean stative progressives and their English counterparts, the latter of which have been analyzed as instances of aspectual coercion . The conclusions of this paper have broader implications concerning aspectual properties of psychological verbs in general, as well as the distribution of aspectual transitions in a language, both in the overt aspectual operators and in the covert coercion patterns. # .
Korean Tense and Aspect in Narrative Discourse, 2013
Author: EunHee Lee. Series Editors: Jaehoon Yeon and Jae Jung Song. Commissioning Editor: Sajid Rizvi. ISBN 1872843433/9781872843438. The author argues for a discourse-based treatment of the temporal and aspectual categories in Korean through the quantitative analysis of corpus data, providing a systematic semantic analysis of those categories using a dynamic semantic tool, Discourse Representation Theory (Kamp and Reyle, 1993; van Eijck and Kamp, 1997). It represents the first formal discourse-level analysis of the Korean tense and aspect system and makes a valuable contribution not only to the study of Korean linguistics but also to the general linguistics of temporal semantics. In addition to her analysis of tense and aspect, Dr Lee also examines the current research methods of dynamic semantics and the contemporary issues at the forefront of natural language semantics. For ordering info go to saffronbooksandart.net website
This paper presents a study of the two lexical adverbs in Korean, cikum and icey, which are assumed to be synonymous with each other and equivalent in meaning with English now. Because cikum and icey seem to be interchangeable in many instances without significant differences, their distinctive semantic features have been overlooked and not systematically studied. Starting from an overview of previous studies of cikum and icey, which focus on the intra-sentential analysis, this paper claims that, contrary to common assumptions, cikum and icey differ inherently in terms of the viewpoint of perspective taking in narrative discourse. Using examples drawn from a corpus, we argue that cikum simply refers to a time interval that contains the reference point from which the described event is viewed. On the other hand, icey describes a change in situation, showing that the reference point can be perceived as a point that divides the past and the future seen from this vantage point. Subsequently, we show that English now has in fact two functions corresponding to the Korean cikum and icey. The semantic differences between cikum and icey in narrative discourses are represented in discourse representation theory. Cikum preserves the given reference time, elaborating on an event described by the preceding sentence, while icey introduces a new reference time, updating the temporal context with a shifted temporal perspective.
2012
The central focus of this dissertation is the semantic and morphosyntactic analysis of tense, aspect, modality, and evidentiality (TAME) categories in Korean, using the frameworks of cognitive linguistics and construction grammar. Which of these grammatical categories Korean verbal markers belong to has been the subject of much debate. In this work, I pose the following questions: - What are the systematic markers of TAME in the Korean verbal complex (KVC)? - What are the meanings of the markers, and how do they fit into the larger system?- How are markers of evidentiality and epistemic modality fitted into the broader grammatical system of the KVC? - How does the analysis of these categories depend on an understanding of viewpoint; or what analysis of viewpoint do we need, underlying this analysis? The answers to the first two questions are significant in that the grammatical categories tense, aspect, modality, and evidentiality in Korean have been contested and are in need of syst...
I examine two Hebrew particles which intuitively correspond to the English particle 'while', namely ' be-' (literally 'in', as in (1)) and 'beodo' (literally 'while-he', as in (2)). In both cases the non-tensed adjunct clauses get their tense marking from the matrix: (1) be-[xacoto et ha-kviS]adjunct [pag’a bo mexonit]matrix in-cross-he acc. the road hit him car (2) beod[o xoce et ha-kviS]adjunct [pag’a bo mexonit]matrix while-he cross acc. the road hit him car Both: “While he was crossing the road a car hit him Yitzhaki 2003 proposes an equivalent semantics for be- and beodo where in both the temporal location of the matrix event (e.g. crossing the road) interrupts / is located within the interval where the adjunct event (e.g. being hit by a car) holds. In this paper I argue that despite the apparent similarity between the two constructions, exemplified in (1) and (2) their semantics is different. I start by pointing out three differences between be- and ¬beodo. In then give a brief semantics for be- in terms of temporal coincidence, and claim that the semantics of beodo is composed of that of be- (temporal coincidence) plus the semantics / pragmatics of odo – an inflected form of the Hebrew word for still (od / adayin). I develop an analysis of odo / still which is based on both traditional claims about the assertion and presuppositions of sentences with 'still', as well as on some novel claims. Specifically I propose that (a) The reference time of sentences with still / odo must be salient / anaphoric (The 'reference time anaphoricity requirement'), and (b) that this 'anaphoricity requirement' is a conversationally triggered presupposition.
Second Language Research, 2010
It is well-known that -ess is sometimes interpreted as past tense and sometimes as perfect aspect. But most analyses claim that one meaning can be derived from the other pragmatically. In this paper, I claim that -ess is ambiguous and takes two different syntactic positions depending on its meaning. To support this, I show that the two interpretations are indepen-dent and semantically different in several ways. The crucial differences can be traced back to the locations of reference times. They might be determined linguistically or pragmatically, but the differences in reference times come from semantic differences. And perfect interpretations vary with classes of predicates, while past interpretations do not show such variations. This also makes them distinctive.
2015
This paper aims to search periphrastic constructions that denote a progressive aspect in Korean and to investigate the properties and differences of these constructions; ① [Verb-고 있-(Pre)FinalEnding], ②[V-고 계시-(P)FE], ③[V-고 앉았-(P)FE], ④[V-고 자빠졌-(P)FE] and ⑤[V-는 중이-(P)FE]. From the point of view of Construction Grammar, internal and external characteristics of these constructions are analyzed. Then the meanings of constituents of each construction are considered as internal characteristics. And Aktionsart(lexical aspect) of preceding verb and grammatical properties such as addressee honorific and sentence type of following ending are considered as external characteristics. Finally, these are visualized by way of semantic map. In summary, ①[V-고 있-(P)FE] is unmarked construction that covers the most wide functional domains. ②[V-고 계시-(P)FE] has a restriction on [-respect] addressee honorific style such as Hage style, Haera style and Hae style in proposative sentence, and is incompatible with Haera style in imperative sentence. ③[V-고 앉았 -(P)FE], ④[V-고 자빠졌-(P)FE] and ⑤[V-는 중이-(P)FE] are not able to co-occur with proposative sentence and imperative sentence without reference to any addressee honorific.
2009
This paper inquires the event structures of experienced/psych predicates in Korean, which reveal the causal, temporal, and focal relations among the sub-events of the experienced event. We focus on two classes of intransitive psych predicates: (i) Agentive experiencer predicates [AEP], whose Experiencer plays a role of Agent in the experiential causing sub-event, and (ii) Patientive experiencer predicates [PEP], whose Experiencer does not play a role of Agent but plays a role of Patient or Theme in the causing sub-event. We propose two event templates: “Agentive Experienced Causation” for AEPs, and “Patientive Experienced Causation” for PEPs. The two classes of psych predicates share the same case-frames but show apparent asymmetry in their event structure and argument structure. Their semantic/syntactic asymmetry will be accounted for by the structural differences in their event structures and the argument structures. Our proposal explains away two argument alternation patterns of ...
Journal of Pragmatics, 1993
There has been much controversy over the semantic characteristics and grammatical nature of the suffix -assin Korean, whether it is a past tense marker, a perfective aspect marker, or a perfect marker. An investigation of colloquial discourse in Korean shows that it is the speaker's communicative goals and concerns that determine whether the suffix gives a past tense, perfective aspect, or perfect interpretation in a given discourse context. Each contextual interpretation is derived from an invariant grammatical meaning 'anterior', a temporal notion that is neutral with regard to whether it involves tense or aspect. Which of these interpretations prevails in a given context depends on whether the speaker is concerned with the location of the situation described with respect to a reference point, or with the location of the reference point with respect to various temporal phases of the situation.
Studies in Modern Grammar, 2005
Seongha Rhee. 2004. A Comparative Analysis of Grammaticalization of English and Korean Adpositions. Studies in Modern Grammar 40, 195-214. The objective of this paper is twofold: examining the adpositional systems in English and Korean from a grammaticalization perspective, and comparing the two systems to show commonalities and differences. Based on the description of these adpositional systems, we attempt to identify theoretical implications of the findings and offer explanations. Focusing on such theoretical issues as frequency, source characteristics, form-meaning isomorphism, conceptual division, and semantic change patterns, it is argued here that the two languages show differences not only in recruiting source lexemes but also in the patterns of grammaticalization processes. These differences are attributable to the different syntagmatic environments in these two typologically dissimilar languages. In particular, some of the differences are attributable to the idiosyncrasy of the two languages, such as heavy reliance on verb serialization and preposition-adverb intercategorial fluidity. It is also shown that certain morphosyntactic change mechanisms as well as some semantic change mechanisms are commonly operative in the two languages.
2006
It has been claimed that syntactic structures and the argument types (e.g. theme, oblique) can determine the domain of focus: focus on a particular type of internal argument may project its focus domain to a larger syntactic constituent than the focused item. It is also known that focus often has prosodic reflections through the manipulations of prosodic phrasing, prominence relation
This paper surveys the progressive and resultative morphology of Japanese, Chinese, Korean and English, and argues that although the distinction between perfective and imperfective is the most fundamental of aspectual distinctions, analysis of these languages reveals that this distinction can sometimes be murky. A unified account of the imperfective morphology in these languages is presented which relies on the interaction of inherent aspect and viewpoint aspect markers . It is suggested that the differences among these languages are the results of the different patterns and degrees of grammaticization of their imperfective markers.
This paper discusses constraints on grammaticalization, a primarily diachronic process through which lexical elements take on grammatical functions. In particular, it will argue that two constraints on this process, namely Persistence and Layering, explain the different distributional patterns of time-relationship adverbs in Japanese, Korean, English and German. Furthermore, it will suggest that the distributional difference between Japanese and Korean time-relationship adverbs is not an isolated phenomenon but is a reflection of the overall semantic typological differences between the two languages in the sense of Hawkins (1986).
Korean Linguistics , 2019
Yeon, Jaehoon. 2019. 11. A Variety of Grammatical Constructions: Double-Accusative Constructions in Korean Revisited. Korean Linguistics 85, 203~241. In Korean, there are constructions in which the accusative particle ul/lul occurs on more than one NP within a single sentence. Among many types of the so-called 'Double Accusative Constructions' (DAC), an External Possession (EP) Type DAC (Payne & Barshi, 1999) is the main concern of this paper. It has been questionable whether DACs are genuine double object constructions. We have argued that DACs can be regarded as structures in which there is only one real object, but two Acc-marked NPs, based on some object diagnostics. We have examined the constraints acting upon Korean EP type DACs while arguing that Korean DACs cannot be fully explained solely based on syntax or semantics without considering some pragmatic and cognitive factors. We have shown that 'contiguity' and 'affectedness' are the two most important factors in determining constraints on felicitous EP type DACs. The notion of 'contiguity' and 'affectedness' is more appropriate than any other factors such as the distinction between alienable and inalienable possession to characterise more accurately the relationship between the possessor and the possessee in Korean EP type DACs. It is also noted that 'contiguity' and 'affectedness' cannot be thematic roles or semantic roles because what counts as 'contiguous' and 'affected' is context-dependent and cognitively/pragmatically interpreted. The degree of acceptability and interpretation of DACs depend on pragmatics and extra-linguistic knowledge.
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, 2015
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