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This paper inquires into the meaning of the progressive in Korean and English by focusing on its complementation restriction. Although the English progressive, due to its semantics of ''process in progress'', cannot normally accept stative verbs such as know, love, have, etc., the Korean progressive ko iss form naturally occurs with them. Rather than proposing a different semantics of ko iss, such as general imperfective or resultative , this paper suggests that know-type verbs in Korean are in fact event descriptions, or more specifically, inchoative eventualities, which indicate the inception of a continuous state. In so doing, this paper not only solves the stative verb complementation problem but also provides a unified semantics of ko iss as denoting a middle phase of a situation (Lee, 1991), encompassing both its on-going process and state readings. This analysis will also explain the difference between the Korean stative progressives and their English counterparts, the latter of which have been analyzed as instances of aspectual coercion . The conclusions of this paper have broader implications concerning aspectual properties of psychological verbs in general, as well as the distribution of aspectual transitions in a language, both in the overt aspectual operators and in the covert coercion patterns. # .
Korean employs two types of imperfective constructions: the resultant state-A ISSTA construction and the progressive-KO ISSTA construction. Consensus has not yet been reached on the licensing conditions of these two constructions. A further complication arises from the fact that in limited cases the-KO ISSTA construction also licenses a resultant state. In this paper, we suggest that these complexities arise from the subtle properties of eventualities (in particular, achievements) and further from the tight interactions among the three perspectives of aspect: lexical, grammatical, and phasal properties of the eventuality in question.
This paper surveys the progressive and resultative morphology of Japanese, Chinese, Korean and English, and argues that although the distinction between perfective and imperfective is the most fundamental of aspectual distinctions, analysis of these languages reveals that this distinction can sometimes be murky. A unified account of the imperfective morphology in these languages is presented which relies on the interaction of inherent aspect and viewpoint aspect markers . It is suggested that the differences among these languages are the results of the different patterns and degrees of grammaticization of their imperfective markers.
This paper uncovers a systematic correlation between semantics of aspect and syntactic argument structure as manifested in the difference between two imperfective aspect markers -ko iss and -a iss in Korean. Unlike the common assumption that the -ko iss form is a progressive marker, while the -a iss form is a resultative marker, this paper argues that the difference between the two derives from their different argument structure: -ko iss selects transitive and unergative verbs, which have an external argument, while -a iss selects unaccusative and passive verbs, which only have an internal theme argument. It is argued that the difference in argument structure is determined by semantic event structure depending on agentivity in Korean. The results of the paper have broader implications for the issues of syntax and semantics interface and unaccusativity.
This article examines the acquisition of Korean imperfective markers, the progressive -ko iss-and the resultative -a iss-, with a view to understanding how tense/aspect morphology expands beyond prototype associations with inherent aspects of the verbs. We hypothesized that -a iss-will develop later than -ko iss-, but that the development of -a iss-will precede or coincide with the expansion of -ko iss-marking for result state meaning. Cross-sectional data were collected from 120 learners of second language Korean using a sentence interpretation task and a guided picture description task. The results support our hypothesized acquisition route of imperfective markers, establishing dynamic durativity as the prototypical meaning of the Korean imperfective -ko iss-and suggesting individual variation in expanding the prototype.
2015
This paper aims to search periphrastic constructions that denote a progressive aspect in Korean and to investigate the properties and differences of these constructions; ① [Verb-고 있-(Pre)FinalEnding], ②[V-고 계시-(P)FE], ③[V-고 앉았-(P)FE], ④[V-고 자빠졌-(P)FE] and ⑤[V-는 중이-(P)FE]. From the point of view of Construction Grammar, internal and external characteristics of these constructions are analyzed. Then the meanings of constituents of each construction are considered as internal characteristics. And Aktionsart(lexical aspect) of preceding verb and grammatical properties such as addressee honorific and sentence type of following ending are considered as external characteristics. Finally, these are visualized by way of semantic map. In summary, ①[V-고 있-(P)FE] is unmarked construction that covers the most wide functional domains. ②[V-고 계시-(P)FE] has a restriction on [-respect] addressee honorific style such as Hage style, Haera style and Hae style in proposative sentence, and is incompatible with Haera style in imperative sentence. ③[V-고 앉았 -(P)FE], ④[V-고 자빠졌-(P)FE] and ⑤[V-는 중이-(P)FE] are not able to co-occur with proposative sentence and imperative sentence without reference to any addressee honorific.
Journal of Pragmatics, 1999
In the study of the relation between form and meaning, there are two opposing approaches: a semantically-oriented approach that seeks a context-free meaning of a given linguistic form, and a pragmatically-oriented approach that attempts to identify meanings used in actual communication. Through the discourse-pragmatic anaylsis of a sentence-terminal suffix -ci in Korean, I will showcase a synthetic approach, by which one should identify all the contextual meanings as well as a more inclusive meaning that may underlie those contextual meanings, and find the contextual factors by which each contextual meaning is embodied in a given context. The suffix -ci has been associated with a number of meanings in the literature: e.g., expressing the speaker's supposition, asking for confirmation, suggestion, etc. All these meanings are in fact contextual meanings occurring in specific contexts, e.g., different speech act contexts (statement, question, or command), and with different degrees of politeness and caution the speaker exhibits. The invariant meaning underlying these contextual meanings is that the speaker believes in the conveyed message, a meaning I shall term 'committal'. The proposed meaning accounts not only for those meanings mentioned above, but also for the extended uses of the suffix in some negative constructions and their interactional functions. In the study of the relation between form and meaning, there are two opposing approaches: (i) a semantically-oriented approach that seeks a context-free 'linguis-I would like to thank Patricia Clancy, John Haiman, Jae-II Kwon, Chungmin Lee, Keedong Lee, Kigap Lee, Hyon-Sook Shin and Sandra Thompson for their valuable comments and encouragement. I also would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers, whose comments as well as criticisms contributed a great deal to strengthening the quality of the paper. I am also grateful to Margaret Key for proofreading. However, I am solely responsible for all the errors and misinterpretations.
2013
This paper investigates whether transitive verbal nouns (VNs) can appear passivized without –toy ‘become’ and, if so, what factors are pertinent. We have demonstrated, based on the results of internet search and questionnaire, that some transitive VNs, particularly agentive ones, can appear passivized when followed by the aspectual element cwung ‘during’ in Korean, as in Japanese. We have also argued that passivization of a transitive VN is possible only with a light verb lacking agentorientation, which is determined in terms of whether a light verb has an agentive heavy counterpart. Agent-oriented light verbs like ha‘do’ never allow such passivization.
Harvard Studies in Korean Linguistics, 2004
Given the broad interpretational similarities of the two examples, namely that both assert that John ate apples, but pragmatically implicate some negative connotation to the fact of his having eaten apples (see the examples in (2) below), previous studies have assumed that these ...
Studies in Language, 1993
The temporal system of noun-modifying clauses in Korean manifests a three-way aspectual opposition among non-prior imperfective, prior imperfective, and morphologically unmarked perfective, a crosslinguistically common pattern manifested in West African languages, creole languages, Persian, and Lakhota, etc. The semantic and mor-phosyntactic distribution of temporal expressions in noun-modifying clauses in Korean cannot be characterized with the temporal dimension of aspectual distinctions such as completion, ongoingness, inception, duritivity, but with the totality dimension of aspectual distinctions of whether the speaker's viewpoint is within or outside the event frame in which the situation described takes place.
This paper investigates the use of aspectual constructions in Dutch, Norwegian, and German, languages in which aspect marking that presents events explicitly as ongoing, is optional. Data were elicited under similar conditions with native speakers in the three countries. We show that while German speakers make insignificant use of aspectual constructions, usage patterns in Norwegian and Dutch present an interesting case of overlap, as well as differences, with respect to a set of factors that attract or constrain the use of different constructions. The results indicate that aspect marking is grammaticalizing in Dutch, but there are no clear signs of a similar process in Norwegian. *
Linguistic Research, 2015
In the analyses of the Korean imperfective constructions, the two types of imperfective marking,-ko iss and-e iss, have been differentiated in terms of whether a progressive or a resultative reading is obtained, or in terms of dynamicity or telicity of the verb linked to them. With such analyses confronting empirical difficulties, a syntactic factor of unaccusativity has been proposed as the key for the differentiation. According to the proposal, whether the verb takes a VP internal subject or a VP external subject is responsible for the selection between the two types of imperfective marking. Many Korean verbs, however, are able to select both types, contrary to the prediction by the proposal. In order to explain their selection patterns properly, it is necessary to depart from the tacit assumption that the morpho-syntactic structure of-ko iss and-e iss is identical. Maintaining the idea of unaccusativity, we propose that the combination of-e with the main verb makes up one syntactic unit with iss and is subject to the grammatical condition that the verb combining with-e iss must be unaccusative or passive. By contrast, the combination of the main verb and-ko is a separate morpho-syntactic unit from the auxiliary iss and it is not subject to any particular grammatical constraints. Seemingly problematic examples to our proposal can be accounted for by the condition that there should not be any conflict between the imperfective readings of-ko iss/-e iss and the aspectual meaning of the combined verb.
This article presents a comparative semantic analysis of the aspectual and focus adverbs already, still and STILL in English and imi/pelsse 'already' and acik/ yothay 'still' in Korean based on their presuppositions and their focus interpretation. I argue that the two contrasting views of aspectual adverbs as logical duals and as scalar (focus) particles are both necessary in order to explain the English and Korean data. Aspect concerns the internal structure of events, relating a current state with the onset or the end of the state. These transitions are available for focusing, which triggers an explicit contrast between the asserted state and an alternative state with an opposite polarity. Korean is shown to lexicalize aspectual and focus adverbs differently from what is expressed in English by a single adverb with focus marked prosody. The meaning of aspectual and focus adverbs in both English and Korean is representated in Discourse Representation Theory van Eijck and Kamp 1997).
ACTA LINGUISTICA ASIATICA, 2019
The present study sets out to analyze aspectuality and coercion in Persian from a new perspective. With regard to the transcendental aspectual distinction between perfectivity, characterized by boundedness and heterogeneity, and imperfectivity, specified by uniformity and homogeneity (Langacker, 2008), it is argued that the heterogeneity of verbs may be assessed according to their phasic and episodic variables. In other words, in contrast to homogeneous verbs, which lack any kind of boundedness, heterogeneous verbs may occur either in a bounded phasic domain or in a bounded episodic domain. Concerning phasic-episodic features, this study presents a new model of lexical aspect that can differentiate five aspectual categories. The paper also scrutinizes the combinations of different verbs with different sentential operators in order to explain various kinds of type-shifting triggered by different operators. Thereby, two procedures of phasic coercion and episodic coercion are introduced which are responsible for modifying the phasic and episodic features of verbs in order to resolve the semantic conflicts between verbs and sentential operators. These procedures modify the phasic/episodic attributes of verbs according to the viewing frames evoked by interpretative operators.
Languages
The distinction between perfective and imperfective aspect has been identified in many languages across the world. This paper shows that even languages that do not have a dedicated perfective—imperfective distinction may endow a verbal construction that is not specifically aspectual with a perfective value. The crucial diagnostic for identifying perfectivity in a given non-aspectual construction is a difference in the temporal interpretation of clauses involving that construction, licensed by the actionality class of the main predicate: while stative verbs have a present interpretation, dynamic verbs yield a non-present (past or future) interpretation. This pattern of interaction is triggered by a phenomenon that has been referred to as the ‘present perfective paradox’, i.e., the impossibility of aligning dynamic situations with the time of speaking while at the same time conceptualizing them in their entirety. The latter type of construal is argued to be the main function of perfec...
Journal of Pragmatics, 1993
There has been much controversy over the semantic characteristics and grammatical nature of the suffix -assin Korean, whether it is a past tense marker, a perfective aspect marker, or a perfect marker. An investigation of colloquial discourse in Korean shows that it is the speaker's communicative goals and concerns that determine whether the suffix gives a past tense, perfective aspect, or perfect interpretation in a given discourse context. Each contextual interpretation is derived from an invariant grammatical meaning 'anterior', a temporal notion that is neutral with regard to whether it involves tense or aspect. Which of these interpretations prevails in a given context depends on whether the speaker is concerned with the location of the situation described with respect to a reference point, or with the location of the reference point with respect to various temporal phases of the situation.
The paper investigates the stative psych verb (such as mwusep-ta 'be-frightening(-to)') construction in Korean with an 'EXP' with a topic marker. Syntactic restrictions on this construction are considered; the construction is compared with other stative verb constructions and with the so-called "double-nominative" construction. It is argued that certain idiosyncratic features of the psych stative verbs construction are related to the 'EXP' NP being highly discourse prominent, i.e. being "narrator", or "hero/ main personage" of a text passage. In terms of Sells (1987), 'EXP' is identified with the 'subject of a psychological state' discourse role. The paper thus presents additional Korean data in favor of Sells's "discourse roles" approach originally based on cross-linguistic data on long-distance reflexives.
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