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Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro

Profile image of Jessica Cleary-KempJessica Cleary-Kemp
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In this dissertation a methodology for identifying and analyzing serial verb constructions (SVCs) is developed, and its application is exemplified through an analysis of SVCs in Koro, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea. SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and mood, and they denote a single event. The unique syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs present a number of theoretical challenges, and thus they have invited great interest from syntacticians and typologists alike. But characterizing the nature of SVCs and making generalizations about the typology of serializing languages has proven difficult. There is still debate about both the surface properties of SVCs and their underlying syntactic structure. The current work addresses some of these issues by approaching serialization from two angles: the typological and the language-specific. On the typological front, it refines the definition of `SVC' and develops a principled set of cross-linguistically applicable diagnostics. From the existing set of surface properties, four core characteristics are distilled: main verbhood, monoclausality, single eventhood, and argument sharing. A construction must have all of these properties in order to qualify as an SVC. Once these underlying semantic and syntactic properties of SVCs are identified, a detailed and explicit set of criteria is developed that allows these underlying properties to be tested in any language. The latter part of the dissertation offers a case study in the use of these diagnostic criteria by applying them to multi-verb constructions in Koro. Testing these constructions against the definition of SVCs developed in the dissertation reveals that although there are numerous multi-verb constructions in Koro that appear to fulfill the surface criteria for SVCs, only one of these can be considered a true SVC. This construction has a VP-shell structure, in which V1 is a path or locative verb that takes V2 as its complement. The shared argument is the subject of V2, providing a counter-example to Baker's (1989) claim that SVCs obligatorily share an internal argument. Constructions that instead involve adjunction of V2 to V1 are shown through detailed semantic investigation to be disqualified as SVCs, because they do not exhibit the expected entailments. This is surprising because they superficially resemble proto-typical SVCs. The syntactic and semantic analysis of these constructions leads to the hypothesis that true SVCs must have a relation of complementation between the verbs, while adjoined or coordinated constructions cannot be considered SVCs.

Figures (53)

Figure 1.1: The geographical distribution of the Admiralties languages
Figure 1.1: The geographical distribution of the Admiralties languages
Figure 1.2: Higher-order groupings in the Austronesian language family
Figure 1.2: Higher-order groupings in the Austronesian language family
Figure 1.3: The geographical position of Admiralties languages within the Oceanic subgroup
Figure 1.3: The geographical position of Admiralties languages within the Oceanic subgroup
Figure 1.4: Probable first-order groupings in the Oceanic subgroup
Figure 1.4: Probable first-order groupings in the Oceanic subgroup
Figure 1.5: The position of Koro within the Admiralties subgroup
Figure 1.5: The position of Koro within the Admiralties subgroup
Table 1.1: Koro independent personal pronouns
Table 1.1: Koro independent personal pronouns
Table 1.3: Koro numerals and numeral classifiers
Table 1.3: Koro numerals and numeral classifiers
Table 1.4: Consonant phonemes in Koro
Table 1.4: Consonant phonemes in Koro
Table 1.5: Vowel phonemes in Koro
Table 1.5: Vowel phonemes in Koro
Table 2.1: Subject agreement paradigm for irrealis and perfect markers
Table 2.1: Subject agreement paradigm for irrealis and perfect markers
Table 2.2: Surface positional slots in the Koro verbal clause
Table 2.2: Surface positional slots in the Koro verbal clause
Table 2.6: Comparison of contexts in which irrealis marking is expected in different types of systems
Table 2.6: Comparison of contexts in which irrealis marking is expected in different types of systems
Table 2.7: Distribution of irrealis marking in Koro
Table 2.7: Distribution of irrealis marking in Koro
Table 2.8: Comparison of contexts that trigger irrealis marking in Koro (irrealis = temporally non-specific) and Nanti (irrealis = unrealized)
Table 2.8: Comparison of contexts that trigger irrealis marking in Koro (irrealis = temporally non-specific) and Nanti (irrealis = unrealized)
Table 3.1: Morpho-syntactic properties of path and location predicates
Table 3.1: Morpho-syntactic properties of path and location predicates
Table 3.3: Demonstrative enclitics and pronouns in Koro
Table 3.3: Demonstrative enclitics and pronouns in Koro
Figure 3.1: The syntax of prepositional path/locative verbs
Figure 3.1: The syntax of prepositional path/locative verbs
Table 3.4: Deictic properties of locative predicates in Koro
Table 3.4: Deictic properties of locative predicates in Koro
Table 4.2: Typology of SVC-like constructions, based on criterion of main verbhood
Table 4.2: Typology of SVC-like constructions, based on criterion of main verbhood
Table 5.3: Results for main verbhood in Koro multi-verb constructions
Table 5.3: Results for main verbhood in Koro multi-verb constructions
Table 5.5: Results for monoclausality in Koro multi-verb constructions and cannot be nominalized.’* This further confirms the suspicion that the resultative is no longer a productive construction, since it cannot undergo this productive syntactic process. The findings of this section are summarized in Table 5.5. As can be seen from the examples in (5.1-5.10) above, there is no overt marker of sub- ordination or coordination in any of the putative SVCs. In some cases a coordinator can be inserted, but this changes the syntactic behavior of the construction. For example, inserting a coordinator in a negated SVC requires negation to be marked separately on each verb. In the resultative construction in (5.55), preverbal negator ta occurs only before V;, but has scope over the whole construction. If coordinator mwa is inserted, as in (5.55b), a single negator can no longer take scope over the two verbs. Instead, ta would be required before each verb, and pwi would be required after each object.
Table 5.5: Results for monoclausality in Koro multi-verb constructions and cannot be nominalized.’* This further confirms the suspicion that the resultative is no longer a productive construction, since it cannot undergo this productive syntactic process. The findings of this section are summarized in Table 5.5. As can be seen from the examples in (5.1-5.10) above, there is no overt marker of sub- ordination or coordination in any of the putative SVCs. In some cases a coordinator can be inserted, but this changes the syntactic behavior of the construction. For example, inserting a coordinator in a negated SVC requires negation to be marked separately on each verb. In the resultative construction in (5.55), preverbal negator ta occurs only before V;, but has scope over the whole construction. If coordinator mwa is inserted, as in (5.55b), a single negator can no longer take scope over the two verbs. Instead, ta would be required before each verb, and pwi would be required after each object.
Table 5.7: Results for single eventhood in Koro multi-verb constructions A similar construction is illustrated in (5.72). In this example, like that above, the main verb tut ‘forget’ takes unmarked realis, while subordinate verb tuwe ‘boil’ takes irrealis kz. Again, the interpretation is that the forgetting event has already happened, while the boiling event was intended to happen at a later time.
Table 5.7: Results for single eventhood in Koro multi-verb constructions A similar construction is illustrated in (5.72). In this example, like that above, the main verb tut ‘forget’ takes unmarked realis, while subordinate verb tuwe ‘boil’ takes irrealis kz. Again, the interpretation is that the forgetting event has already happened, while the boiling event was intended to happen at a later time.
Table 5.8: Syntactic/semantic argument sharing in Koro multi-verb constructions
Table 5.8: Syntactic/semantic argument sharing in Koro multi-verb constructions
Table 5.9: Criteria for SVCs as applied to multi-verb constructions in Koro
Table 5.9: Criteria for SVCs as applied to multi-verb constructions in Koro
Table 5.10: Deictic properties of locative predicates in Koro
Table 5.10: Deictic properties of locative predicates in Koro
Table 5.11: Modal-aspectual functions of Koro locative constructions minor verb in the imperfective SVC.
Table 5.11: Modal-aspectual functions of Koro locative constructions minor verb in the imperfective SVC.
Figure 6.1: Structure of SVCs according to Baker (1989)
Figure 6.1: Structure of SVCs according to Baker (1989)
Figure 6.2: Structure of resultative SVCs according to Baker and Stewart (2002)
Figure 6.2: Structure of resultative SVCs according to Baker and Stewart (2002)
Figure 6.3: Structure of covert coordination according to Baker and Stewart (1999:11)
Figure 6.3: Structure of covert coordination according to Baker and Stewart (1999:11)
Figure 6.4: Structure of resultative SVCs according to Collins (1997:474)
Figure 6.4: Structure of resultative SVCs according to Collins (1997:474)
Figure 6.5: The structure of verbal clauses in Koro
Figure 6.5: The structure of verbal clauses in Koro
Figure 6.6: Complementation analysis of the directional /allative
Figure 6.6: Complementation analysis of the directional /allative
Figure 6.8: Manner adverb after V, In a directional SVC, adverbials can occur after either V, or V2, as shown in (6.16-6.17).
Figure 6.8: Manner adverb after V, In a directional SVC, adverbials can occur after either V, or V2, as shown in (6.16-6.17).
Figure 6.9: Manner adverb after V2 There is evidence, however, that the ordering of directional and allative constituents — in contrast to the ordering of directionals and adverbs — does in fact have a structural basis. Unlike purely directional constituents, allative constituents cannot be freely permuted with manner adverbs. As shown in (6.19-6.20), the ordering where the manner adverb precedes the allative constiuent is strongly preferred, with the opposite order deemed highly questionable.
Figure 6.9: Manner adverb after V2 There is evidence, however, that the ordering of directional and allative constituents — in contrast to the ordering of directionals and adverbs — does in fact have a structural basis. Unlike purely directional constituents, allative constituents cannot be freely permuted with manner adverbs. As shown in (6.19-6.20), the ordering where the manner adverb precedes the allative constiuent is strongly preferred, with the opposite order deemed highly questionable.
Figure 6.10: Associated motion construction: SVC analysis
Figure 6.10: Associated motion construction: SVC analysis
Figure 6.11: Associated motion construction: auxiliary analysis
Figure 6.11: Associated motion construction: auxiliary analysis
Table 6.1: Comparison of the properties of auxiliaries, lexical verbs, and associated motion morphemes in Koro
Table 6.1: Comparison of the properties of auxiliaries, lexical verbs, and associated motion morphemes in Koro
Figure 6.12: Associated motion construction: uv analysis
Figure 6.12: Associated motion construction: uv analysis
Table 7.1: Morpho-syntactic properties of multi-verb constructions in Koro
Table 7.1: Morpho-syntactic properties of multi-verb constructions in Koro
Table B.1: Speaker IDs and biographical details
Table B.1: Speaker IDs and biographical details
Figure C.1: Sketch map of Los Negros Island
Figure C.1: Sketch map of Los Negros Island
Figure C.2: Sketch map covers Ndran Tewi, Papitalai and Poloka area
Figure C.2: Sketch map covers Ndran Tewi, Papitalai and Poloka area

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