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2017, Social Science Research Network
This study estimates the effect of state legislative term limits on state tax revenue, general expenditure and its main components: welfare, highways, health, education, and state aid to local governments. Two alternative measures of term limits are used: an original term limit index developed in this paper and the potentially endogenous average legislative turnover rate. Controlling for economic, institutional, political, and demographic factors as well as the endogeneity of legislative turnover, we find that the two distinct measures of term limits have qualitatively similar effects on state government finances. Our estimates indicate that stricter legislative term limits not only increase legislative turnover and the size of government, but also change the composition of government spending.
2012
Legislative Term Limits and State Aid to Local Governments * We estimate the effect of legislative term limits on various categories of state government spending using the most recent panel of 47 states from 1972 to 2005. Besides the usual economic, political, fiscal and demographic factors, we also control for the state tax and expenditure limitations. We find that term limits have a significant positive effect on total state government spending, but no significant positive effect on state education, health, transportation or welfare expenditures. This dichotomy in the estimates raises a very important and previously overlooked question: what budget category is responsible for higher state spending in term-limited states? Our analysis reveals that legislative term limits increase pork-barrel spending, which takes the form of higher transfers from state to local governments. This finding might also imply that legislative term limits lead to more fiscal decentralization.
Public Finance Review, 2009
Political institutions within a society often serve to create the rules governing economic actions, to establish norms of economic behavior, and ultimately to help explain the relative economic performance of society. Institutions like budgetary constraints, party ideology, term limits, and voting methods have been analyzed with emphasis on the interplay of politics and economics. Within this field, we believe that the study of term limits is of particular importance. Hence, this article empirically investigates the link between the different types of gubernatorial term limits and state expenditures, after controlling for political institutions. Using panel data from thirty-seven U.S. states between 1971 and 2005, we find that all three types of term limits (weak, moderate, and strong) have a positive impact on gubernatorial spending. However, only weak and moderate term limits are statistically significant, suggesting that the more lenient is the constraint on the governor the greater is the impetus to spend.
Legislative Studies Quarterly, 2006
Term limits on legislators were adopted in 21 states during the early 1990s. Beginning in 1996, the limits legally barred incumbents from reelection in 11 states, and they will do so in four more by 2010. In 2002, we conducted the only survey of legislators in all 50 states aimed at assessing the impact of term limits on state legislative representation. We found that term limits have virtually no effect on the types of people elected to office-whether measured by a range of demographic characteristics or by ideological predisposition-but they do have measurable impact on certain behaviors and priorities reported by legislators in the survey, and on the balance of power among various institutional actors in the arena of state politics. We characterize the biggest impact on behavior and priorities as a "Burkean shift," whereby term-limited legislators become less beholden to the constituents in their geographical districts and more attentive to other concerns. The reform also increases the power of the executive branch (governors and the bureaucracy) over legislative outcomes and weakens the influence of majority party leaders and committee chairs, albeit for different reasons.
Purpose -The imposition of term limits in bicameral (two-chamber) state legislatures could produce unforeseen consequences in the policymaking process. Supporters of term limit rules have not considered that their imposition could fundamentally shift the sequence of policymaking in legislatures. This is important given that research on sequential bicameral policymaking suggests qualities of the lower chamber allow it to cultivate policy expertise such that the upper chamber will defer to the lower chamber in policymaking. This project aims to explore whether this proposed policymaking sequence exists in term-limited states.
American Political Science Review, 1968
This is a study of the budget success of state administrative agencies. Although a number of recent studies provide valuable information about environmental influences on state and local government expenditures, relatively little is known about the factors that affect the budgets of individual administrative units. 1 Existing studies typically focus on the state as the unit of analysis, and report findings about the correlates of state (or state plus local) government expenditures in total and by the major fields of education, highways, public welfare, health, hospitals et al. The United States Bureau of the Census provides an invaluable service for this scholarship by collecting state and local government data and ordering it into categories that permit state-to-state comparisons. When political scientists and economists rely exclusively on Census Bureau publications, however, they preclude an attack on certain aspects of the expenditure process. In order to report data by the comparable fields of education, highways, public welfare etc., the Bureau of the Census * The author wishes to thank the Social Science Research Council's Committee on Governmental and Legal Processes, and the University of Georgia's Office of General Research for their financial assistance; and Patricia Owens for her help in gathering the data.
State Politics & Policy Quarterly, 2004
How do term limits affect the electoral changes caused by state legislative redistricting? To answer this question, we compare the success of majority parties in the redistricting process in legislatures with and without term limits. We hypothesize that majority parties use the districts of term-limited members to redistribute supporters from sate districts to more competitive ones. We find that, indeed, the majority party changes district lines more in districts with term-limited legislators. Furthermore, the majority party is more strategic in reallocating voters for partisan gain in termlimited districts. Thus, our findings suggest that term limits make the redistricting process more partisan and that a reform intended to remove incumbents from the legislature actually strengthens the majority party.
The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1995
This paper analyzes the behavior of U. S. governors from 1950 to 1986 to investigate a reputation-building model of political behavior. We argue that differences in the behavior of governors who face a binding term limit and those who are able to run again provides a source of variation in discount rates that can be used to test a political agency model. We find evidence that taxes, spending, and other policy instruments respond to a binding term limit if a Democrat is in office. The result is a fiscal cycle in term-limit states, which lowers state income when the term limit binds.
Nearly every government within each sate of the United States has a balanced budget requirement at either the constitutional or statutory level. Surprisingly enough, historical data shows that the constraints on deficits have not been effective as many states in any given year still experience a budget deficit. The current literature on United States state government budget constraints has examined whether these constraints can be translated to the national level. Other studies have analyzed the role of unified and split state governments on fiscal performance, but the literature has not examined the impact of voters changing governors. The primary contention of this paper is whether political alternation, measured by the turnover of gubernatorial candidates, has an impact on the fiscal performance within a state. Thus, our hypothesis is that if the gubernatorial office changes party frequently it creates instability that weakens fiscal performance. Using panel data for the period 1980-2000 we construct an index of political alternation (IPA) for each state to test our hypothesis. The IPA has been used to measure political instability in developing countries and has been found to explain increased deficit spending. Since forty of the fifty state governments experience at least one party change over the period under examination. We are interested in whether this conclusion holds true in a developed country. This paper contributes to the current literature by adding to classical explanations of public sector economics the effect of party alternation on fiscal performance.
Public Budgeting & Finance, 2017
Sustaining the States: The fiscal viability of American state governments, (ASPA series in public administration and public policy), edited by Marilyn Marks Rubin and Katherine G. Willoughby. CRC Press, 2015. Challenging times bring with them the need to learn from the past, discover new directions, and implement change. Although most would concur state-level post-recession fiscal performance remains relatively stable at best, signs of fiscal stress persist. No doubt, challenges continue for state policy makers to make prudent choices today considering the consequences on the fiscal health of the jurisdictions in which they govern tomorrow. Although the proverbial remedy of fiscal stress-slow spending, raise taxes, or some combination of both-may seem an obvious solution to mending short-term budget gaps and long-term fiscal imbalances, absent any intervention or policy change, the Government Accountability Office (2015) cautioned that, "the sector could continue to face a gap between revenue and spending during the next 50 years." What will states need to plan for the long term to balance revenues in the face of growing pension liabilities, government workforce needs, and increasing debt burdens? How will states fare with growing demands such as healthcare, education, criminal justice systems, and transportation? How will states prepare and are they ready for another economic downturn? Offering a comprehensive and informative account of the post-recessionary fiscal landscape of the U.S. states, these and other pressing questions are addressed in Sustaining the States: The Fiscal Viability of American State
State Politics & Policy Quarterly, 2010
By measuring U.S. term limits dichotomously, investigators ignore the vast differences among laws limiting state legislative service. Furthermore, this measurement problem increases the risk of false negatives and confounds the effects of term limits with those of the citizen initiative. To address this, I propose two sets of continuous measures of term-limitedness. The first set compares mandated turnover after term limits to turnover in the 1980s, the decade before term limits began sweeping elected officials from office. A second set adjusts the first set to reflect the potential for legislators to cycle repeatedly between legislative chambers when only their consecutive years of service are limited. These continuous measures outperformed a dichotomous designation of term limits in two tests, suggesting that the proposed measures can reduce the risk of false negatives about term limits in U.S. multi-state research and that they are more robust in the face of confounding effects f...
Tax and expenditure limitations (TELs) are designed to restrict growth in state government by limiting the amount of money a legislature may spend or tax. From 1978 to 1996, 22 states adopted formal limits on annual growth in state appropriations or revenue. 1 Ostensibly , rules that place limits on the pace of annual state expenditure and revenue growth could cause TEL states, over time, to have lower levels of expenditure compared to non-TEL states. Assessment of expenditure differences between TEL and non-TEL states, however, suggest that TELs may not have much effect on state expenditure growth (for discussions see Mullins
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2018
In recent years, a raft of studies has examined the effect of various institutions on state fiscal outcomes, especially per capita spending. A review of the literature reveals that one institution has an especially large effect on government spending: states with separate legislative committees overseeing taxing and spending legislation spend significantly less than states without separate committees. The size of this effect was found to be an order of magnitude larger than that of any other institution. Despite this large effect, separate committees are one of the least studied state institutions. We found only one peer-reviewed study of separate taxing and spending committees, and it was based on data from a relatively short time period in the 1980s. We offer the first formal theoretical model of the institution, emphasizing the important role that transaction costs play in political logrolls. We empirically test the model, improving on the previous test with a longer panel (spanning 40 years), a larger set of controls, separate tests on different measures of fiscal policy, and tests to learn whether it makes a difference if taxing and spending committees are separate in one or both legislative chambers. Controlling for other factors, we find that states with separate taxing and spending committees spend between $300 and $450 less per capita than states without separate committees. Having these functions separate in one chamber seems to have a larger effect than having them separate in both chambers. Moreover, the pattern does not hold for all subcategories of state spending.
Review of Public Administration and Management, 2018
This paper analyzes the impact of different types of state tax and expenditure limitations (TELs) on state expenditures. TELs with differing levels of stringency are compared to evaluate the effect of TEL stringency on state expenditures. This study analyzes the effects of state TELs' stringency on the different types of state government expenditures for all 50 states for the period of 2006-2011. The findings indicate that a more stringent state TEL results in an increase of state spending on administration and corrections. Further, the findings suggest that higher levels of stringency of a state TEL lead to a reduction in total state spending on education. The level of stringency of a state TEL has no significant effect on the level of direct general expenditures, nor on the spending for police, hospitals, highways, and parks.
This paper tests whether state and local fiscal policy depended on the number of seats in the legislature in the first half of the 20th century. We find that large legislatures spent more, as implied by the "Law of 1/n" from the fiscal commons/logrolling literature. The same relation appears in the latter half of the century, and therefore seems to be systematic. We also find-again consistent with postwar evidence-that only the size of the upper house was important. We are unable to find robust evidence that expenditure depended on the partisan makeup of the legislature.
National Tax Journal, 2001
This paper tests whether state and local fiscal policy depended on the number of seats in the legislature in the first half of the 20th century. We find that large legislatures spent more, as implied by the "Law of 1/n" from the fiscal commons/logrolling literature. The same relation appears in the latter half of the century, and therefore seems to be systematic. We also find-again consistent with postwar evidence-that only the size of the upper house was important. We are unable to find robust evidence that expenditure depended on the partisan makeup of the legislature.
1999
We explore the impact of term limits on power in the California legislature. Using campaign contributions to legislators as an indicator of individual power, we compare the relative influence of caucus leaders, committee chairs and rank-and-file legislators. We also compare a sample of committee chairs in the Assembly and Senate. The results indicate that term limits diffuse power in both chambers, but in different ways. In the Assembly, the caucus leadership loses power relative to other members. In the Senate, however, caucus leaders gain power at the expense of committee chairs. Finally, the changing proportion of institutional contributions in both chambers demonstrates a shift in power to the upper chamber, a finding that suggests the impact of term limits is attenuated in a bicameral system.
Tax and expenditure limitations (TEL) on state and local governments have been passed with the pre- sumption they will limit the growth of government, raise government efficiency, and increase direct de- mocracy by requiring voter approval of tax increases. Both the popular press and the academic literature focus on the impacts of TEL on state budgets. Yet at a time when decentralization and devolution are in- creasing demands on local government, TEL provi- sions are in some cases causing rigidity in local budg- ets and subsequent fiscal stress. The smaller the budget, the more significant the potential adverse ef- fects of TEL, and small governments tend to be rural governments. While there is some evidence that gov- ernments under TEL become more efficient, govern- ments typically look for ways to circumvent the re- strictions as they become more severe, increasing inef- ficiencies and reducing both representative and direct democracy, the opposite of the intended effects of TEL ...
Public Finance Review, 1999
In the economic model of government, the size of the legislature is a variable whose effect on government spending is not predictable a priori. The authors show that an alternative measure, constituency size, defined as the number of constituents per legislator, is positively related to state government spending. This suggests that increases in constituency size over time may account for the increase in the size of government. The size of the legislature could be manipulated to control constituency size and thereby provide an effective check on government spending.
Legislative Studies Quarterly, 2006
For each state and legislative session used in our analysis, we asked the legislative offices to identify the party caucus leaders in the legislature.
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