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2015, Literary Forms of Argument in Early China
Defining Boundaries and Relations of Textual Units: Examples from the Literary Tool-Kit of Early Chinese Argumentation 112 Joachim Gentz 5 The Philosophy of the Analytic Aperçu 158 Christoph Harbsmeier 6 Speaking of Poetry: Pattern and Argument in the "Kongzi Shilun" 175 Martin Kern 7 Structure and Anti-Structure, Convention and Counter-Convention: Clues to the Exemplary Figure's (Fayan) Construction of Yang Xiong as Classical Master 201 Michael Nylan 8 A Ragbag of Odds and Ends? Argument Structure and Philosophical Coherence in Zhuangzi 26 243 Wim De Reu 9 Truth Claim with no Claim to Truth: Text and Performance of the "Qiushui" Chapter of the Zhuangzi 297 Dirk Meyer Index 341 7 Roman Jakobson, "Linguistics and Poetics," in Style in Language, ed. Thomas A. Sebeok (Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1960), 350-377, 370f. 8 This view can already be found in early Jesuit discussions and in reflections by philosophers such as Leibniz and Hegel. An early more systematic linguistic analysis undertakes Wilhelm von Humboldt in his letter to Abel-Rémusat in 1827 (transl.
in: Li Xueqin 李學勤、Sarah Allan 艾蘭、Michael Lüdke 呂德凱 (eds.) 主編, Qinghuajian yanjiu 3: ‘Qinghua Daxue cang Zhanguo zhujian 5’ guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 清華簡研究(第三輯)——《清華大學藏戰國竹簡(伍)》國際學術研討會論文集, Shanghai: ZhongXi shuju 中西書局, 2019, pp. 194-221
The spate of texts excavated in the last decades from Warring States and Han tombs have revealed, among many other things, a particular feature of early Chinese texts which has not been equally well preserved in the Han editions of the otherwise quite reliably transmitted texts. The range of literary forms of argument used in many of the excavated texts is generally broader, richer and more diverse than the literary forms we find in most of the received record. The following chapter identifies and analyses literary forms of argument in the text Tang zai Chimen 湯在啻門 from the Tsinghua Collection. The text will first be displayed in an analytical presentation, followed by a translation, the respective literary forms will then be introduced and analysed one by one, followed by a diagrammatic presentation and final discussion.
Modern definitions of ‘philosophy’ commonly – though by no means unanimously (cf. for an array of competing definitions for instance HWP VII, Sp. 714-31, s.v.) – build upon the diagnostic presence of ‘principled’, ‘systematic’, and ‘rational’ modes of asking questions about knowledge, ontology, ethics etc., and the presumably universal notions extrapolable from answers to them. Throughout most of the 20th century, the perceived lack of a broadly ‘epistemological’ definiens for the assignment of ancient Chinese authors, texts or ‘schools of thought’ to the category of ‘philosophy’ has formed a recurrent debating ground for its respective sinological detractors and proponents. Moreover, the very act of asking the question which forms the theme of this conference with respect to China has a long and fairly convoluted histori(ographi)cal and political prehistory, which might be traced back even beyond the Jesuit beginnings, from which Ori Sela’s masterful recent outline (“Philosophy’s Ascendancy: The Genealogy of Tetsugaku/Zhexue in Japan and China, 1870-1930 ”, Ms., Princeton, 2010) of the conflicting Chinese, Japanese, and Western narratives on the topic proceeds, i.e. well down into European Late Antiquity. To continue to pose this question, then, is deliberately reductionist in the sense that it nonchalantly disregards such historical underpinnings, and, in that it consequently “pushes careful readings of Chinese texts into a narrow corner of self-defence, predetermining the type of evidence marshalled for a question that was only asked out of the historical coincidence that China’s … desperate opening to western knowledge happened just around the time analytical philosophy flourished in the Anglophone world” (Denecke 2006: 26-7). Despite such quite well-taken caveats, I will argue that there is still a role to be played for attempts to shoulder the heavy, time-honoured European “conceptual baggage” within the “loaded stratosphere of philosophy” (ibid., 36). Rather than to retreat into seemingly cozier disciplinary environments, such as “comparative intellectual history”, “intercultural philosophy”, “ethnosemantics”, “rhetorical criticism” etc., which ostentatiously aim at overriding the entrenched universalist/relativist divide or its alleged “logocentric” conditionality, to reconstruct what was epistemological competence according to explicitly pre-imposed “Western” parameters may have the advantage of being easier falsifiable than comparative approaches to historical performance and cultural preferences. Confirming Homer Dubs’ (1892-1969) famous rejection of the idea, widespread at least since Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835), that the “Failure of the Chinese to produce philosophical systems” (T’oung Pao 26, 1929, 96-109) is contingent upon the structure of their Classical language, the “narrow corner” from which I will argue for purposes of this talk is the concept of ‘self-refutation’ (bèi 悖) in Early Chinese argumentative prose, as first discussed with view to its truth-claim implications in H. Roetz’ indispensible catalogue of validity markers in Eastern Zhou texts (1993). Analysing the Old Chinese morphology underlying bèi, I will try to show that the – admittedly rare – verb transcribed by the graph 悖 is uniquely useful for truth-based definitions of philosophy in that it derives from the root of the negative bù 不, and thus assigns an immediate epistemological value to the objects within its semantic scope. I will then compare its textual usages to transitive instances of fēi 非, itself in all likelihood derived from the fusion of an early copular verb with the same negative root, bù 不. Since the definition of ‘philosophy’ is, very likely, an act of philosophizing, it is bound to end up in an endlessly spiralling loop. It is hoped that looking at it through the linguistic ruptures inevitably introduced into arguments by negation will leave us somewhat closer to the Old Chinese beginnings of that loop.
ACTA KOREANA, 2018
Originally, East Asian intellectuals focused their attention on the philosophy of the Confucian Classics, rarely commenting on their literary aspects. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, there were three exegetical works that proposed a different approach to the Mengzi: Maengja ch’aŭi (Notes on the meanings of the Mengzi) written by Wi Paekkyu (1727–1798), a Chosŏn scholar, Mengzi lunwen written by Niu Yunzhen (1706–1758) from China, and Doku Mōshi written by Hirose Tansō (1782–1856) in Japan. These exegeses approached the Mengzi through its literary style, and commented on many literary points: rhetorical strategy, grammar, and wording. In this article, these exegetical works are referred to as “rhetorical commentaries” since they emphasized rhetoric to a much greater extent than previous commentaries. The purpose of this article is to show how the rhetorical commentaries are different from ordinary or standard commentaries, such as the works of Zhu Xi and Jiao Xun, but also to point out some differences among the three rhetorical commentaries. In addition, this study evaluates the significance of the appearance in East Asia of rhetorical commentaries in the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. This will be done by placing them in the context of relevant historical events and changes in literati culture from the middle ages to the early-modern period of East Asia. Thus, this article will be a first step towards an understanding of rhetorically oriented exegeses in East Asia and the relationship between these commentaries, their historical change and their intellectual history. Keywords: East Asia, the Confucian Classics, rhetorical commentaries, Mengzi, exegesis
International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 2015
The classical Chinese text Zhuangzi tells us that the meaning of a word, or a text, is not fixed, but consists of the many perspectives offered in debate. Each new contribution interprets what has been said and thus adds to its meaning. This is akin to the approach of modern hermeneutics. What a text means is determined by its intertextual links to previous texts, and by the traces it leaves in its subsequent interpretations. The practical approach of philology and the methodology of corpus linguistics provide the foundation of the task of interpretation, by establishing the textual evidence on which interpretation has to rest. My paper exemplifies the Zhuangzi's strategy in moving on from the textual evidence to their manifold interpretations, thus interweaving corpus linguistics, philology and hermeneutics.
This paper provides a 'thick description' (using Clifford Geertz's notion) of " *Tang zai Chi/Di men " , which is part of the Tsinghua Manuscripts. Exploring its communicative dimensions and analysing the interplay between text and performance, this paper reconstructs the social use of " *Tang zai Chi/Di men " in the discourse of the time. The manuscript text records an imagined dialogue held at the Chi/Di Gate between King Cheng Tang and his famous official, Yi Yin, consistently introduced as 'minor minister'. The text is highly patterned and presents a conversation about the 'innately good doctrines of old and their actuality in the present'. The conversation is framed by an introductory formula commonly seen in textualised " Shu " traditions, as well as a final appraisal, which concludes the text in 'dramatic' terms (using Helmut Utzschneider's notion). The text is rhymed while the items under discussion are presented as catalogues, suggesting completeness. The well-balanced composition is at odds with the seemingly meagre content of the text, staging oddly empty phrases that leave the modern reader rather puzzled. By drawing on content-form and communication theories, and considering its performative dimensions, this paper probes the apparent conflict between the content and the form and reconstructs the strategies of Warring States communities to develop meaning through patterned text. Once contextualised, this rather peculiar text serves as a reference for meaning-construction of performance texts in the intellectual landscape of the Warring States period (ca. 453–222 BC) more globally.
In analytical non-narrative discourse, various rhetorical figures have been used to mark the status of statements as either expressing general rules, exceptions, or side comments. Such status markers might be silent and structural or explicit. Markers of both types exist in classical Chinese, but they are little studied. The consequence is a loss in the precision of the understanding of the arguments proffered. This is a study of the development of initial fu 夫 into a phrase status marker for statements for which a general rather than particular validity is claimed. The methodology used aims at falsifiability. After an outline of the state of the art, the paper offers a qualitative analysis of a randomized sample of phrases in Wang Bi's (AD 226-249) commentaries on the Zhouyi and the Laozi to develop a plausibilized series of hypotheses. In a second quantitative step, these hypotheses are tested against the entire body of these two texts. The last section sketches the process by which initial fu shed its use as a demonstrative and developed into the. structuring device for the Chinese rhetoric of argument outlined above.
R.C. Steineck, R. Weber, R.H. Gassmann & E.L. Lange, eds., Concepts of Philosophy in Asia and the Islamic world, Leiden: Brill/Rodopi, 2018, 2018
Global Intellectual History, 2018
《中國神學研究院期刊》[CGST Journal]第30期,2001年1月,頁91–107。, 2001
2010
Xiaoye You is assistant professor of English and Asian Studies at Penn State University, University Park, where he teaches courses in rhetoric, writing, and the teaching of writing. He is the author of Writing in the Devil's Tongue: A History of English Composition in China (Southern Illinois, 2010). He is currently working on a monograph on rhetoric in early imperial China. Research for this essay was sponsored by the Center for Linguistics and Applied Linguistics, Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, China.
This study deals with the use of expository questions as discourse strategy in Zhuangzi (4th c. B.C.), a foundational text of Daoism. We treat this particular type of non-information-seeking questions (e.g. “Why? Because…”) as a manifestation of conversational monologues, which are themselves fictive kinds of interactions between the original writer and subsequent reader(s) (Pascual 2002, 2009). We further analyze expository questions as constructions of intersubjectivity (cf. Verhagen 2005, 2008), involving a viewpoint blend (Dancygier and Sweetser 2012), integrating the perspectives of the writer, the assumed readers and the discourse characters. We hope to show that–counter to what is commonly assumed in discourse studies–conversationalization is not restricted to modern institutional discourse (Fairclough 1994) or spoken informal speech (Streeck 2002).
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2021
Journal of Literature and Art Studies, 2018
The article explores some of the important features of pre-Qin Chinese rhetoric and challenges it poses to traditional Western rhetoric, with the former being seen as harmonic or self-effacing for its purpose and paradoxical for its epistemological underpinning. The author does not intend to suggest that the Chinese tradition is the right path to rhetoric, but at least it points to an alternative to approaching this language art as defined by Aristotle.
Dao Companion to the Excavated Guodian Bamboo Manuscripts, 2019
Cheng zhi 成之 (short for Cheng zhi wen zhi 成之聞之) from tomb no. 1, Guodian, has been widely understood as an early example of a text that sets out to explain the Shangshu. This claim is problematic because it relies on unfounded assumptions of canonicity. Going beyond this canon-centred, exegetical paradigm, this article provides a form analysis of argument construction in Cheng zhi, to demonstrate that conceptual communities during the Warring States draw on traditions of Shu 書 (Documents) as cultural capital to pursue their own socio-political and philosophical agendas. Rather than dominant interpretations that insist on Shu as an entity of stable and fixed texts, as well as on a singular engagement with the Shangshu 尚書 in Cheng zhi, I identify four textual voices in the Guodian text which in dialogic form articulate an integral position on good rule. They are what I call “explicit” and “silent authorial voices”, as well as two “external” voices. One is from the Shu traditions; the ...
After Confucius is a collection of eight studies of Chinese philosophy from the time of Confucius to the formation of the empire in the second and third centuries B.C.E. As detailed in a masterful introduction, each essay serves as a concrete example of "thick description"--an approach invented by philosopher Gilbert Ryle--which aims to reveal the logic that informs an observable exchange among members of a community or society. To grasp the significance of such exchanges, it is necessary to investigate the networks of meaning on which they rely. Paul R. Goldin argues that the character of ancient Chinese philosophy can be appreciated only if we recognize the cultural codes underlying the circulation of ideas in that world. Thick description is the best preliminary method to determine how Chinese thinkers conceived of their own enterprise. Who were the ancient Chinese philosophers? What was their intended audience? What were they arguing about? How did they respond to earlier thinkers, and to each other? Why did those in power wish to hear from them, and what did they claim to offer in return for patronage? Goldin addresses these questions as he looks at several topics, including rhetorical conventions of Chinese philosophical literature; the value of recently excavated manuscripts for the interpretation of the more familiar, received literature; and the duty of translators to convey the world of concerns of the original texts. Each of the cases investigated in this wide-ranging volume exemplifies the central conviction behind Goldin's plea for thick description: We do not do justice to classical Chinese philosophy unless we engage squarely the complex and ancient culture that engendered it.
2020
What does it mean for a text to be a whole? How do texts achieve wholeness? And how can one determine when they do so? Questions of wholeness have been at the heart of Chinese text studies since the Western Han 漢 (205 BC–9 AD), when scholars attempted some of the earliest known reconstructions, and constructions, of pre-imperial texts. In the two millennia since, almost all early Chinese texts studied have been evaluated in terms of their wholeness, yet within this scholarship, there are many ideas about what makes these texts whole. In many cases, “wholeness” refers to the extent to which a text is seen to resemble an earlier, if not an imagined original form. Alternatively, “wholeness” is taken to refer to a function of texts’ intrinsic features, such as their content or structure. This project, by contrast, posits that “wholeness” does not refer to an immutable property of texts themselves, but to a contingent hermeneutical device or function within the open, kaleidoscopic process of reading, itself negotiated and re-negotiated through this very process. Reading, in short, does not reveal text wholeness (or lack thereof), but rather allows for texts to be made whole, in different and plural ways.
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