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2009, Communication Research
This study tests the hypothesis that cross-national differences in public awareness of international affairs are attributable to differences in the supply of international news and citizens' demand for information. Simultaneously, the authors compared the level of news coverage accorded specific “target” subjects in major Swiss and U.S. news organizations and the level of attentiveness to news among Swiss and U.S. citizens. The authors' results revealed that Swiss media provided more hard international news than U.S. media, that Swiss citizens reported higher levels of news exposure, and that the Swiss were also considerably more informed than the Americans on questions of hard news. Using a multilevel model, the authors further demonstrate that the effects of news on knowledge are stronger in Switzerland and that the greater availability of international news has the effect of reducing the knowledge gap between more and less attentive Swiss.
is article investigates the volume of foreign news provided by public service and commercial TV channels in countries with different media systems, and how this corresponds to the public's interest in and knowledge of foreign affairs. We use content analyses of television newscasts and public opinion surveys in 11 countries across five continents to provide new insight into the supply and demand for international television news. We find that (1) more market-oriented media systems and broadcasters are less devoted to international news, and (2) the international news offered by these commercial broadcasters more often focuses on soft rather than hard news. Furthermore, our results suggest that the foreign news offered by the main TV channels is quite limited in scope, and mainly driven by a combination of national interest and geographic proximity. In sum, our study demonstrates some limitations of foreign news coverage, but results also point to its importance: there is a positive relationship between the amount of hard international news coverage and citizens' level of foreign affairs knowledge.
International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 1992
This article assesses the potential for US news coverage of foreign affairs to influence US public opinion about foreign countries during the latter part of 1989 and early 1990, a time of dramatic changes in central Europe. The study draws on two sources of data: content analysis of US network news and wire service coverage of nine countries (West Germany, East Germany, the Soviet Union,
Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties, 2010
A BSTRACT We propose a context-dependent approach to the study of political information. Combining a content analysis of broadcast news with a national survey measuring public awareness of various events, issues, and individuals in the news, we show that properties of national media systems influence both the supply of news and citizens' awareness of events in the news. Public service-oriented media systems deliver hard news more frequently than market-based systems. It follows that for citizens living under public service regimes, the opportunity costs of exposure to hard news are significantly lowered. Lowered costs allow less interested citizens to acquire political knowledge. Our analyses demonstrate that the knowledge gap between the more and less interested is widest in the US and smallest in Scandinavia.
China Media Research, 2009
The purpose of this research is to present the role of the Western media on non-Western public perceptions. This research focuses on Turkish image and identity in the Korean media. For this study, South Korean English dailies, The Korea Herald and The Korea Times, were classified for three months in 2007 by using content analysis. This period is an appropriate time scale to identify Turkish image in the Korean media. In this research, we used content analysis technique to classify newspaper articles according to mentioned impact types. Our findings indicate that Western media has profound effects on Korean news media and extensively exerts cultural imperialism. Moreover, we found that Western originated news, published in Korean media, communicate less positive message about Turkey. This research clearly indicates that non-Western (Korean) people learn and inquire about another non-Western nation (Turkey) and its identity via Western cultural representation.
1974
Research conducted' during the past 20 years reveals .that, ;except for the "New York Times," "Christian Science Monitor," and ."Wall Street Journal," United States daily newspapers are not known for outstanding international news coverage; that European, Bnglish, Canadian, Latin American, and Asian newspapers use disproportionately larger-amounts of international news than their American Counterparts; and that the United States is covered much more thoroughly in the press abroad than foreign nations are reported in the United States press. In trying to account for these facts, it may be seen that in'the United States international news coverage and usage are: often determined by considerations of international diplomacy, national government and military policies, and historical-cultural heritage; often crisis= oriented; often affected by censorship policies and image building activities of other countries; affected by a dwindling corps of adequately trained correspondents abroad and by globally blind editors cemented to their swivel chairs statesideand guided by an American public not generally noted for being cosmopolitan or well informed on world affairs. (JM) * * via the ERIC Document Reproduction Service (EDRS). EDRS is not * responsible for the quality of the original document. Reproductions * * supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original.
International Studies Quarterly, 2004
In prior research (Baum 2002), I presented evidence that the soft news media provides substantial coverage of U.S foreign policy crises, when they arise, and that a principal effect of this coverage is that segments of the American public that have traditionally tuned out politics entirely are increasingly exposed to information about select high profile political issues, most prominently foreign policy crises, when they arise. This study extends that research, first, by systematically investigating the differences between foreign policy coverage in the soft and hard news medias. I find that, relative to traditional news outlets, the soft news media places far greater emphasis on dramatic, human-interest themes and episodic frames and far less emphasis on knowledgeable information sources or thematic frames, while, at the same time, having a far greater propensity to emphasize the potential for failure of the U.S. policy. I then investigate the implications of these differences for the foreign policy attitudes of the primary consumers of soft news: the least politically engaged segments of the public. I argue that the style of coverage of soft news outlets tends to induce suspicion and distrust of a proactive, activist approach to U.S. foreign policy. I test this and several related hypotheses through a series of statistical investigations into the effects of soft news coverage on attitudes towards isolationism in general, and U.S. policy regarding the Bosnian Civil War in particular. I find that among least educated or politically informed members of the public, but not their better educated or informed counterparts, increased soft news exposure-but not increased exposure to traditional news sources-is indeed associated with greater isolationism and opposition to U.S. policy towards Bosnia.
A well-functioning democracy needs the news media to provide information to its citizens. It is therefore essential to understand what kinds of news contents contribute to gains in citizens' political knowledge and for whom this takes place. Extant research is divergent on this matter, especially with respect to 'softer' news coverage. This cross-national study investigates the effects of exposure to human interest and conflict frames in the news on political knowledge. Drawing on panel surveys and media content analyses in three countries, the study shows how these two frames contribute positively to political knowledge gain. This relationship is moderated by political interest so that those who are least interested learn the most from this type of easily accessible news coverage.The results are discussed in the light of research on news media and knowledge acquisition.
Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, 2015
Despite the fact that the media serves as a vital source of information about politics, the relation between media trust and political trust has largely been overlooked, especially outside the USA. Adopting a comparative approach, this study examines the way(s) in which trust in the press and political trust are related across dissimilar media environments. Analyzing survey data from 32 European countries, we found that while trust in the press and political trust are positively related, the magnitude of the relation differs across countries. This variation is explained by three structural components within the media environment: media autonomy, journalistic professionalism, and party/press parallelism. The multilevel models indicate that countries with more media autonomy and journalistic professionalism evince a weaker relation between media trust and political trust. A stronger relation obtains in media environments characterized by party/press parallelism. These findings illustrate how media environments affect citizen perceptions toward the political sphere: the less restricted and more professional the media environment, the more the public perceptions have the opportunity to be affected by what is being reported.
The International Journal of Press/Politics, 2010
To express attitudes and act according to their self-interest, citizens need relevant, up-to-date information about current affairs. But has the increased commercialization in the media market increased or decreased the flow of political information? Hallin and Mancini stress that the existing empirical evidence is fragmented and that this question therefore has been difficult to answer. In this article the authors present new data that allow them to systematically examine how the flow of political information on TV occurs across six Western countries during a thirty-year period. The authors find that the flow of political information through TV varies according to the degree of commercialization. The flow of news and current affairs is lowest in the most commercially oriented television system and among the commercial TV channels. There is however important cross-national variation even within similar media systems. The authors' data do not suggest a convergence toward the liberal system when it comes to the political information environment on TV. Rather, what strikes them is how strongly resistant some European countries have been to subordinating the needs of democracy to profit making.
The International Journal of Press/Politics, 2012
Abstract This study examines the supply of political information programming across thirteen European broadcast systems over three decades. The cross-national and cross-temporal design traces the composition and development of political information environments with regard to the amount and placement of news and current affairs programs on the largest public and private television channels. It finds that the televisual information environments of Israel and Norway offer the most advantageous opportunity structure for informed ...
Communication Research, 2014
Representative democracy requires that citizens express informed political opinions, and in order to inform their opinions, they must have the opportunity to acquire relevant facts from the media. In view of increasing audience segmentation, such opportunity may vary according to how widely political information diffuses across the various sources available in a media environment. However, it remains uncertain how differences in information saturation correspond with differences in information acquisition. Drawing on data from a rolling cross-sectional survey with nearly 60 waves and media content analyses spanning four European countries, this article examines whether a wider availability of information in collective media environments facilitates acquisition of such information. It also specifies the conditions under which this effect differs for people with different levels of learning motivation. Using a multilevel model, we find the media environment to be a remarkably powerful force in equipping people with political information. We also find that bettermotivated citizens initially benefit disproportionately from the availability of information, yet motivation-based discrepancies in learning disappear entirely when media coverage becomes more prevalent.
European Journal of Political Research, 2012
Public evaluations of EU performance are not only critical indicators of the EU's output legitimacy, but also shape future support for European integration. For citizens to monitor the political performance of the EU they need relevant facts, yet it is anything but clear that gains in information about EU performance cause change in judgements about such performance. Drawing on two-wave panel data, this article examines whether acquiring information following a real-world EU decision-making event alters citizens' judgements about the utilitarian and democratic performance of the EU. It also examines how this effect differs for people with different levels of general political information. It is found that citizens who acquired performance-relevant information became more approving of the EU's utilitarian performance but did not change their judgements about its democratic performance. Also, individuals with moderate levels of general political information were affected most strongly by new facts about performance.The implications of these findings for EU-level representative democracy are considered.
Journal of Communication, 2017
Journal of Communication, 2012
Even though many researchers devoted considerable attention to political discussion and its individual-level antecedents and outcomes, insights are based on single-country studies. Cross-national variations were either never studied or implicitly equated to the U.S. context. This study integrates explanations from communication and comparative politics to test whether political system features (e.g., electoral competitiveness and multiple parties) affect the macrosupply of political information, and thus either amplify or diminish the effects of individual characteristics on discussion. Analyses of cross-national data show system features correlate with greater discussion frequency and moderate the contribution of individual differences to discussion. The potential of systems to narrow gaps in mass public discussion and implications for future research are considered in conclusion.
Mediatization of Politics, 2014
When we want to learn about the world around us, there are basically three perceptual sources of information: personal experiences, interpersonal communication and the media (Asp, 1986). We can learn things firsthand, by communicating with other people, or by taking part of different media. For the most part, however, the media are the most important source of information. The reach of our own experiences is very limited, and the same holds true for most people we talk to. Particularly when it comes to politics and society, most of what we know-or think we know-we have learned from the media. Even in cases when we have some experiences on our own to base our knowledge on, without information from the media we do not know whether our experiences are representative of how things are or whether they are atypical (Mutz, 1998). For example, while we might have experiences of the local hospital, that does not tell us much about the quality of health care in general, and even less about factors influencing the health care system or what proposals there are to improve healthcare. Consequently, it has become a truism that modern politics is largely mediated politics (Bennett & Entman, 2000; Kaid et al., 1991; Nimmo & Combs, 1983). The extent to which the media constitute the most important source of information about politics and society has also been labeled the first dimension of mediatization and singled out as a necessary prerequisite for further processes of mediatization (Strömbäck, 2008, 2011). There might, however, be several reasons to revisit the notion that politics has become mediated and the evidence that the media are the most important source of information about politics and society. First and conceptually speaking, there is a need to distinguish between mediated and mediatized politics. Second, the media is a broad and heterogeneous category-including everything from books to newspapers, radio, television and increasingly digital media-and the relative importance of different media might vary across time as well as countries. Hence, there is a need 93 F. Esser et al. (eds.
Critical Review, 2018
Democracy for Realists delivers a long-overdue attack upon apologetics for American political realities. Achen and Bartels argue that the "folk theory of democracy" is not an accurate description of democracy in the United States and that without a greater degree of economic and social equality, democracy will remain an unattainable ideal. But their account of the gap between ideal and actual relies too heavily on the innate cognitive limitations and biases (particularly intergroup bias) of our psychology. These are important, but they provide only an incomplete understanding if we do not incorporate a focus on information and ideas. Mediaeffects research and comparative media studies provide evidence that the ignorance of the U.S. voter is only partly caused by cognitive limitations, and they point the way to a more effective way to bring social psychology into political science.
An experimental study explored factors that affect the retrieval of information from online international news videos by applying the knowledge gap hypothesis and the limited capacity model. It was found that the knowledge of foreign nations positively predicted the retrieval of information from online videos about these nations. The need for cognition moderated this effect: participants with a higher need for cognition successfully retrieved information even if they did not know much about foreign nations. Perceived attention paid to the videos positively predicted news information retrieval and mediated the effects of the need for cognition on this dependent measure.
2000
Studies in International News Coverage and News Agenda edited by Abbas Malek & Anandam P. Kavoori ... The Global Dynamics of News: Studies in International News Coverage and News Agendas ... Contemporary Studies in International Political Communication Abbas ...
asna.ch
What are the differences in the perception of the world in news sites
International news, with its own characteristics and dynamics, are loaded with a strong power of representation and are for the majority of the people the first way to get an idea of the world. Their international projection often implies considerations related to media geopolitics or traditional forms of propaganda. News and media literacy limited interest on inter- national news requires thinking about the design of a model to critically approach news on international issues. The results obtained through an online survey with an adult Spanish-speaking population suggest the existence of different levels of critical approach to news on international issues, ranging from passive consumption to the exercise of an informed and active citizenship of the world.
2014
Across a sample of twenty-seven European nations, we examine variation in the level of factual political knowledge in relation to self-reported exposure to news programs aired by public or commercial channels, and to broadsheet or tabloid newspapers. Unlike previous studies, we estimate the effects of exposure to these news outlets while controlling for self-selection into the audience. Our results show that the positive effects of exposure to broadsheets and public broadcasting on knowledge remain robust. Finally, we show that only exposure to broadsheets (and not to public broadcasting) narrows the knowledge gap within nations; relatively apathetic individuals who read broadsheet newspapers are able to "catch up" with their more attentive counterparts.
International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 1993
The agenda-setting impact of international news was examined by comparing the coverage of 15 categories of international news in four news media (the New York Times, ABC, CBS, and NBC) with the level of public concern with international problems as recorded by all 41 Gallup organization's most important problem polls conducted from 1975 to 1990. The findings suggest that the way in which international news is framed in news reports may determine the magnitude of salience cues. Four categories of news coverage demonstrated the strongest agenda-setting influence: international conflicts involving the United States; terrorism involving the U.S.; crime/drugs; and military/ nuclear arms. Generally, the results support previous findings which concluded that stories with high degrees of conflict and stories with concrete presentations (by including Americans in the stories) have the strongest agenda-setting impact. In addition, two news categories-international trade not involving the United States, and politics not involving the United States-con-elated negatively with public concern for two of the news media. This result suggests that press coverage, besides increasing public concern with certain issues, can also decrease concern. Certain categories of news, such as stories dealing with international politics and trade, can give individuals cues that the international arena is functioning quite smoothly. These types of international news stories show individuals that international problems are not really serious problems at all.
This article draws upon content analytic and survey data from a 12-nation comparative study to examine the question of content-interest correspondence (CIC) regarding foreign news on television. That is, to what extent do the contents of foreign news aired on television match the interests that viewers have regarding foreign news? Treating CIC as a variable, the data show that, among the nations studied, CIC concerning foreign countries covered in the news is generally stronger than CIC regarding news topics. At the same time, the analysis examines whether the level of CIC relates to several national, media system, and viewer characteristics. The analysis shows that larger nations exhibit higher levels of CIC regarding topics and lower levels of CIC regarding countries. Also, CIC regarding news topics is lower in countries where the ownership and revenue structure of the television system leans toward commercialism and where television news focuses more heavily on soft news. Implications of the findings and directions for further research are discussed.
Differences and inequalities characterize the social, political and economic structures and institutions of the world. These disparities vary from region-to-region and from one country to another. The same way these differences and inequalities exist in the structures and institutions around the world, so there are differences in the social, political and economic strengths of nations. The unequal strengths of nations result to domination of the less powerful nations by the powerful ones. The less powerful countries or regions of the world depend on the powerful ones for survival politically, socially and economically. In fact, the world (global system) is characterized with imbalances and inequalities. How this imbalances and inequalities affect international news and information flow among other issues, is the thrust of this paper.
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