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2020, Global Policy
The world trading system has been remarkably successful in many respects but is now under great strain. The causes are deep-seated and require a strategic response. The future of the system depends critically on reinvigorating the WTO and policy change in the largest trading nations. Important measures are required to sustain the multilateral trading system, and urgent action is needed to avoid a scenario where the system fragments. The worst scenarios will disrupt global trade and see a world which splinters into large trading blocs (most likely centered on China, the European Union and the United States) and where trade relations are based to a large extent on relative power instead of rules. In such a world the smallest players especially those whose trade is least covered by bilateral or regional agreementswill be at the greatest disadvantage. All countries will incur enormous costs only to try and reinvent a system that is already in place today under the WTO. The world economy has never been as closely integrated as it is today. International trade in goods and services as a share of world GDP has increased from around 35 per cent in the mid-1980s to around 60 per cent today, despite a hiatus during the global financial crisis. Trade and investment patterns are changing faster than rules and policies are adapting. The response in multilateral system has been insufficient, and gaps are partly being filled by regional and bilateral initiatives. Despite its evident successes, the world trading system is now confronted by an unprecedented crisis. How this crisis is resolved depends on whether the WTO can be revitalized
2019
The future of the world trading system depends critically on reinvigorating the WTO and policy change in the largest trading nations. To sustain multilateralism, urgent action is needed to avoid a disruption of global trade and its fragmentation into trading blocs where relations are based on relative power instead of rules. Smallest players whose trade is least covered by bilateral or regional agreements will be at the greatest disadvantage. All countries will incur enormous costs only to try and reinvent a system that is already in place today under the WTO.
Journal of Asian Economics, 1997
The purpose of the conference, we are told, was to analyze the complex array of issues confronting the WTO. I found the book relevant and timely, even though the papers were written before the Singapore Ministerial, because the focus is on how the WTO could or should evolve over the long haul in order to lubricate the wheels of world commerce. The contributors are a uniformly distinguished group, all expert on their Assigned topic areas, and there is a fair bit of insight and informed prescription. The papers are deep, with the exception of one or two, well written and accessible.
Economics: The Open-Access, Open-Assessment E-Journal, 2013
This paper develops three major themes. First, the atmosphere of gloom around the multilateral trading system due to dim prospects of a successful conclusion of the Doha Round notwithstanding, global trade regime remains open and the institution in charge of it, the World Trade Organization, is in sound health. If anything, the Doha Round has been a victim of its own success: considerable de facto liberalization in agriculture has been achieved since the launch of the round. Second, to secure the future of the multilateral trading system, it is nevertheless crucial that the Doha Round is brought to a conclusion even if in a highly diluted form. The damage to the system from an outright failure will be very substantial. Finally, closing the Doha Round will require the United States leading the negotiations. Suggestions that as the largest merchandise exporter, China should now take the lead are frivolous.
1997
The purpose of the conference, we are told, was to analyze the complex array of issues confronting the WTO. I found the book relevant and timely, even though the papers were written before the Singapore Ministerial, because the focus is on how the WTO could or should evolve over the long haul in order to lubricate the wheels of world commerce. The contributors are a uniformly distinguished group, all expert on their Assigned topic areas, and there is a fair bit of insight and informed prescription. The papers are deep, with the exception of one or two, well written and accessible.
This chapter describes the evolution and structure of the international trading system, focusing on the tension between the fundamental GATT/WTO principle of most-favored-nation (MFN) treatment and the proliferation of discriminatory trading arrangements, including regional agreements as well as new versions of special and differential treatment of low-income countries. It also discusses the increasing pressure to use the enforcement power of the GATT/WTO system to achieve member compliance with social norms in the areas of labor and environment. The chapter concludes by considering some significant challenges that currently face the international trading system and possible directions of the system's evolution in response to these challenges.
The World is rapidly changing. Global trade after the 2008 global financial crisis is entering into an era of new challenges and opportunities. Globalization, structural changes, emerging markets, regional blocs new patterns of international trade emerge and shift in trade are some of newer developments. All new developments are raising questions about the appropriateness and resilience of existing policy frameworks in the field of international trade. Especially deadlock in negotiating the World Trade Organization (WTO) Doha Development Agenda has brought many suspicions about the trade system’s ability to respond to these challenges. In this paper we will tackle major changes in global trade, examine today’s WTO and try to answer the dilemma will this world trade system survive, become stronger and overcome all the changes, adapt to modern conditions and establish new priorities and rules in international trade.
The free and open multilateral trade order – an important public good provided through the World Trade Organization (WTO) – is in increasing peril. This dissertation makes evident the crisis in the WTO is primarily due to the decline of US hegemony, as US policymakers proceeded to obstruct those processes in the WTO that were considered to threaten national security.
German Law Journal, 2023
This Article contributes to the discussion about the development of international trade regulation of state interventionism by situating the tensions that exist about the future design of subsidies and state enterprises treaty regulation in the broader context of current systemic challenges to the multilateral trading system. While recent studies have explored the issues of subsidies and state-owned enterprises (SOEs) as one of the most significant in impact among the contemporary challenges to the WTO, there is certainly scope to discuss further such a problem from the broader point of view of the crisis of the multilateral trading system, its systemic challenges and the concomitant increasing politicization of international trade relations. To this end, this Article analyzes the interactions between the lasting decline of the WTO, growing political interferences with international trade flows and the prospects of reforming multilateral trade rules to address its systemic challenges and manage/mitigate newly central problems of the 21 st century such as the Covid-19 Pandemic, climate change and the greening of economic production and international trade. The Article argues that existing WTO rules are not adequate to address these challenges and problems. It concludes that, like in the GATT era, it is only the spirit of pragmatism that may provide chances to find alternatives to growing frustration with negotiating inaction and, hence, to reform the system. However, the question remains whether it is possible to find an approach to imagine, remodel and craft multilateral rules that are sensitive to different economic, political, and social choices and able to rebalance the position of all members, large and small, rich and poor.
Business and Politics, 2000
Reform of the multilateral trade regime is not simply a second order problem within a wider economic crisis. The completion of the Doha Round may be a second order question but the global trade regime faces a series of broader systemic challenges beyond the completion of the current negotiations. This paper identifies five challenges: (i) a marked reduction in popular support for open markets in major OECD countries; (ii) the stalling of a transition from one global economic equilibrium to another; (iii) a lack of clarity and agreement on the agenda and objectives for the WTO as we move deeper into the 21st century; (iv) the demand for fairness and justice in the governance of the WTO-the 'legitimacy' question and (v) the rise of regional preferentialism as a challenge to multilateralism. Failure to address these challenges will represent not only a fundamental question for the future of the WTO as the guarantor of the norms and rules of the global trade regime specifically, but also the ability to establish greater coherence in global economic governance overall when its need is arguably greater than at any time since the depression years of the 20th century inter-war period.
ICTSD Programme on Global Economic Policy and Institutions, 2012
The essays included in this book deal with a variety of topics, ranging from the functioning of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the role of emerging economies to regional agreements and institutional challenges. They were written by a set of distinguished academics, policymakers, and practitioners, which, together, offer a very rich and enlightened perspective on the tasks ahead. The essays were originally commissioned by the International Centre on Trade and Sustainable Development (ICTSD) to provide participants at the Eighth WTO Ministerial Conference in 2011 and the Trade and Development Symposium (TDS) that took place in parallel with it, with up-to-date analysis on the most pressing issues that the multilateral trading system currently faces. No unified views can be found in this volume. The challenges as well as the opportunities that the multilateral trading system is confronted with are diverse and can be – indeed are – subject to different interpretations. Uniform and eventually consensus solutions have yet to be found, and the aim of this volume is to help in the search for them by providing brief, but thorough analyses on the most pressing issues in today ́s global trade environment.
International Organisations Research Journal
This article substantiates the necessity of reform of the major institution of global economic governance, the World Trade Organization (WTO). A number of crucial problems facing the existing multilateral trading system (MTS) are explored: the problem of the development and efficiency of the WTO in the new environment; the weakening of the leadership role of the U.S.; regionalism; the crisis of the decision-making system in the WTO; and the recent rise of trade protectionism. These challenges point to the necessity of WTO reform, the latter two being particularly pressing since they eventually moved the issue from the realm of scientific discussion into the realm of practical initiatives. This article analyzes the first steps taken by members of the WTO in 2018 toward the organization's reform, focusing on the EU's concept paper on WTO modernization, which was the first such initiative. Emphasis is given to the pivotal role of the positions of the U.S. and China since it is hardly possible to successfully continue the process of WTO reform without them. The controversial position of the U.S., formed largely under the influence of the current isolationist and protectionist trade policy of the Trump administration, is analyzed in depth. The article concludes that the process of WTO reform is bound to be extremely complicated and may take years.
Rome, IAI, September 2019, 4 p. (IAI Commentaries ; 19|49), 2019
Considering that there are no winners in retaliatory trade wars, the right path to global economic growth and prosperity cannot be protectionist barriers, bilateralism or regionalism. Rather, what is needed are new forms of regulation and legitimate oversight powers tailored for this new phase of globalisation. This can only come about through a reformed and renovated WTO. Yet, if the US refuses to cooperate in implementing one of the many reform proposals advanced by WTO members, including close US allies, two highly destabilising outcomes could ensue: a WTO without the US or a global economy without the WTO.
Asian Economic Papers, 2019
The current trade turmoil is not limited to negative economic effects stemming from the series of recent trade measures erected by the United States as part of the escalating U.S.–China trade war. The more serious issue that will unfold in the middle to long term is the potential collapse of the rule-based trading regime. The weakening of the multilateral trading system centered by the World Trade Organization (WTO) seems to continue. East Asia has been one of the largest beneficiaries of the rule-based trading regime in its course of extending and deepening international production networks and must now take proactive moves to defend and preserve this stable economic environment. Two crucial tasks in the preservation of the WTO are efforts to maintain the functionality of the dispute settlement mechanism and the revival of the WTO as a forum for future trade negotiations. At the same time, East Asia must develop a network of mega–free trade agreements (FTAs) to partially supplement...
Human and Social Studies
The indisputable success of the European integration project also prompted other regions of the world to follow suit. On the other side of coin, these regional blocs cultivated free trade within but remained protectionist vis-àvis the outside, thereby impeding the progress of the multilateral trade system. But also the soaring number of WTO member states accompanied by their incompatible interests, its ambitious agenda spanning over 20 diverse issues and, in particular, the single undertaking approach emerged as the Doha’s Round “stumbling blocks”. The utter dismay over the Doha’s Round deadlock has provoked countries to opt for alternative for a outside the WTO in their endeavor to expedite far-reaching trade liberalization. Besides the vast economic growth in Asia and the rise of international production networks, this urge for deeper integration represents one of the central root causes for the most recent wave of PTAs which has been gathering force over the course of the 21st ce...
Journal of Economic Integration, 2015
Whether international economic integration arrangements result in a more liberal trade at the multilateral level cannot be proven with ease. Integration may start this process, but it may also reverse it. New mega-integration deals such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership are under negotiation. The American policy of creating trade rules for decades to come without the involvement of China in rulemaking may backfire. If China faces a choice of capitulation or exclusion, it may create a parallel trade and payments system. The World Trade Organization still has important assets: to convene meetings and to settle trade disputes. If the World Trade Organization transforms its role from trade liberalisation forum into an institution which supervises and administers international trade rules and obligations, this may be a realistic development given the
Z. Kembayev, RE Lutz ‘Ten Years of the WTO: Reflections on the Future of Regional and Global Trade’ 34 International Law News 1, 6-7, 2005
2020
n the twentieth anniversary of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2015, the outlook was sanguine as negotiators, trade practitioners and academics around the world reflected on the success of the Uruguay Round and the WTO's achievements and contemplated its future at celebratory international conferences. Discussion tentatively turned to a possible future reform agenda but with little sense of urgency. Reform was seen more as potential embellishment rather than necessity. With the adoption of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals in 2015 and the Paris Agreement on climate change that same year, the world seemed to bask in a warm and inspiring glow of global solidarity. It seemed that the international community was recognizing that assuring our future prosperity depended not only on liberalizing trade but also on achieving environmental sustainability, social and economic equality, political stability and access to justice. But this cooperative spirit proved short-lived and long-simmering dissatisfactions with trade resurfaced, followed by convulsive reversals and a surprising return to protectionism. In 2016, the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, and Donald Trump won the presidency of the United States on a campaign of "America first" in an election in which neither Republican nor Democratic party leaders supported free trade. Despite the evident and widely distributed gains from global trade, 1 populism was fuelling political upheaval and bringing to the fore growing discontent about impacts of trade that had been festering for many years: the hollowing out and decay of once great industrial cities and the individual loss of well-paid and steady factory work. The US administration channelled the popular discontent into nationalist foreign policy, distrust of the rules-based international order, disregard of international ties and commitments, and resort to security exceptions, tariffs and trade wars. The global trading system has been battered by this approach, with growth slowing in 2019 to three percent, according to the International Monetary Fund. And while nations cooperated to resolve the 2008 financial crisis, that urge to work together to solve global issues has been subdued. 2
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