Syntax and Semantics of Laisser in Causative Constructions

Bucharest Working Papers in Linguistics

The French causative verb laisser can enter two different constructions: a monoclausal one resembling the faire-infinitive construction (Kayne 1975, Alsina 1992, Guasti 1996, Folli & Harley 2007) and a biclausal one. While differences in interpretation between these two constructions have been pointed out (Kayne 1975, Enghels & Roegiest 2012), the link between structure and conceptual representation has not been clearly defined yet. In this paper, we tackle the syntax and semantics of causative laisser adopting as a background Talmy’s (1988) force dynamics model of causation. We further show that the link to the selectional restrictions of the causative verb can be made by considering forces as dispositional causal properties (Fara 2001), that is, properties that become relevant with respect to the role of an entity in a causal chain.

HAL (Le Centre pour la Communication Scientifique Directe), 2022

1976

2022

Book chapter -To be published 2022- Constructionalization of verbal causative periphrases in French : faire 'make', laisser 'let', mettre à 'put', donner à 'give to' + Vinf. This study compares these four causative verbal periphrases in French (as in example (1) 'make think'= faire penser, laisser penser, donner à penser, *mettre à penser or in example (2). 'warm'= faire chauffer, laisser chauffer, mettre à chauffer, *donner à chauffer). The French causative construction in these four near-synonym constructions is analyzed using several criteria. We propose seven criteria: (a) A modal criterion: how strong is the causation involved ? A deontic or just a permissive value ? (b) An aspectual criterion the phasal aspect. (c) The nature of the causation: direct, indirect, implicit, manipulative causation. (d) The source of the causation: agentive or other, (e) The constructional value in context: valence and argument structure, (f) Diathesis properties, and (g) Phraseological value. In this paradigm, the "donner à VInf " 'give VInf' construction is a causative extension of the full lexeme 'give' observed in other languages from different families and it is a very peculiar cross-linguistic phenomenon (see Bouveret 2021, Gouggenheim 1929, Von Waldenfels 2012, Newman 1996, Newman 1998). Faire VInf 'make Vinf' is for foreign language learners the most well-known causative expression. This study uses contemporary newspaper corpora from Europresse to compare the differences between the four near-syonyms constructions.

Frontiers in Language Sciences

Investigating Implicit Causality (I-Caus) and Implicit Consequentiality (I-Cons) biases associated with action verbs (e.g., Peter praised/healed Mary because/and so …), this paper sheds light on the nature of the coreference and coherence biases associated with Implicit Causality verbs. We provide evidence in support of the Two-Mechanism Account, according to which I-Caus and I-Cons are driven by two different mechanisms: While I-Caus derives from empty explanatory slots for explanations in verb semantics, I-Cons follows from the general discourse principle of Discourse Contiguity. Evidence is provided by three production experiments in German investigating the coreference and coherence properties of agent-evocator and causative agent-patient verbs (e.g., praise vs. heal), which differ with regard to the availability of explanatory slots for I-Caus. Experiment 1 established I-Caus and I-Cons coreference biases for the two verb classes, while Experiment 2 investigated their correspon...

1994

Analytic causative constructions can best be described äs extensions of simpler kinds of expressions, rather than äs reductions from more complex underlying structures. In particular, causatives of intransitive predicates (e.g. I made Mary cryj are viewed äs modelled on simple two-participant clauses (like I ate the cake,), and causatives of transitive predicates (e.g. He had the servant taste the foodj are seen äs modelled on simple threeparticipant clauses (like I gave Mary a flower, or She broke it with a hammer-i.e. mainly ditransitive and instrumental clause types).

Syntax, 2008

This paper discusses perception and causative verbs in English and European Portuguese within ChomskyÕs (2000ChomskyÕs ( , 2001 Agree framework and provides an answer for the old riddle of why these verbs appear to select for different infinitival complements in their active and passive forms. Assuming that infinitival clauses are Case-bearing projections , the paper proposes that in active structures, the infinitival head and the embedded subject can both agree with the matrix light verb and so ''share'' the accusative Case it licenses. In passive structures, on the other hand, the intervening /-features of the participial head block the agreement between the finite T and the infinitival head, which will then be licensed only if preposition insertion is sanctioned as a Last Resort repair strategy.

1987

Arguments in favor of a particular decompositional approach to word meaning are presented and contrasted with other theories. The approach in question uses semantic markers to represent word meanings. The semantic marker analysis of English causative verbs is outlined and illustrated, showing how such an analysis could account for the semantic properties and relations of sentences in which the verbs occur, and how it could account for some of the psychological evidence reported in the literature. A list of references is included. (MSE)

Lingua, 1994

This paper investigates the phenomena that come under the label 'causative alternation' in English, as illustrated in the transitive and intransitive sentence pair Antonia broke the vase / The vase broke. Central to our analysis is a distinction between verbs which are inherently monadic and verbs which are inherently dyadic. Given this distinction, much of the relevant data is explained by distinguishing two processes that give rise to causative alternation verbs. The first, and by far more pervasive process, forms lexical detransitive verbs from certain transitive verbs with a causative meaning. The second process, which is more restricted in its scope, results in the existence of causative transitive verbs related to some intransitive verbs. Finally, this study provides further insight into the semantic underpinnings of the Unaccusativity Hypothesis

J. Scott and D. Waughtal (Eds.), BUCLD 40 Online Proceedings Supplement, 2016