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1997, Lahore Journal of Economics
In the post war world, numerous attempts at all levels-multinational, bilateral and domestic-have been made to foster growth and development in the low income world so that these countries can catch up with their richer brethren from the industrial countries. Why has growth not been faster? What can be done to make these countries achieve more balanced and sustainable growth? These are important questions of the day that are preoccupying all serious positive social science and development policymaking. To a large extent, many of the answers that are being derived relate to the failure of these countries to develop key institutions. Most practitioners and thinkers are now in agreement on this issue but remain perplexed at what is required to develop these institutions. The public sector's attempts at developing the institutions within its fold have not succeeded. The fostering of non-governmental institutions also remains fairly uneven in its results. Donor funding for institutional support too has had very limited results despite the extensive history of sectoral and institutional reform that has been supported by substantial financial and technical assistance and resources. One area that the practitioners and thinkers in the sphere of institution-building seem to be paying little attention to is the origins and development of more successful institutions in the world. Most of the institutions that command international respect are in the western industrial countries. These include the major universities such as Oxford, Cambridge, Harvard and Chicago, think tanks such as Brookings, Carnegie, Rand, court systems, stock exchanges and central banks etc. How were these established and how did they develop to the extent of gaining the respect of the society around them? What was their contribution to the society in which they were situated? These are important questions that may allow us to understand the difficulties with institution building in the low income countries. We examine the history of two major universities in the US to derive certain important implications for institution-building. Rockefeller, Harper and the University of Chicago The University of Chicago (U of C) offers us a wonderful opportunity to look at institutional development in modern times and at a rapid rate.
Creating Institutions for Development, 2007
2007
In this paper, we examine the role of policy intervention in engendering institutional change. We argue that successful intervention is difficult since local political interests often undermine even benevolent policy interventions. In particular, we show that first order changes in the political structure (e.g. introduction of democracy) may be accompanied by institutional persistence and no improvement in the quality of governance. In this scenario, we identify two effects of development policy as a tool for institutional change. One, by increasing political accountability, it may encourage nascent democratic governments to invest in good institutions — the incentive effect. However, we show that it also increases the incentive of the rentier elite to tighten their grip on political institutions — the political control effect. Which of these dominate determine the overall impact on institutional quality. Under some conditions, by getting the elite to align their economic interests ...
Asia-Pacific Journal of Rural Development
Impact of various efforts for improving the socioeconomic conditions of the poor in the developing countries can be maximized through proper management and implementation of development programmes/projects. Effective project management and implemeatation are also crucial for sustainable development. Institutions, which encompass entities at the local level, community level, regional level, national level and in parastatals, project management units and so on are integral parts of project management and implementation. However, despite strong statements about the essential role of institutional development, and the realization of its potential contribution to development efforts, the issue of institutional development has received relatively little attention by policy makers, planners and implementators of development programmes. This paper presents some issues on institutional development which are currently being focused on. In the context of developing countries, institutional development should not be looked at merely from a technical point of view and should not be taken merely with a distinct project entity. !\n interdisciplinary approach to institutional development, not a partial and iterative approach, is required for efficient management of development programmes/projects. I. Introduction: Institution and Institutional Development What constitutes an "institution" is a subject of continuing debate among social scientists, planners and implementors of development projects. The interchangeable use of the terms "institutions" and "organizations" also contributes to ambiguity and confusion. But it is generally accepted that there are (i) organizations that arc not institutions, (ii) institutions that arc not organizations, and (iii) organizations that arc institutions (or vice versa, institution~ that are organizations).
This paper takes the form of an extended literature review, outlining the key ideas that will need to be developed further in the course of the IPPG Research Programme. After an extended introduction, the next two sections are conceptual, the former elucidating key concepts and definitions, the latter examining various approaches to the analysis of institutions relevant for economic growth. Then the paper reviews much of the available evidence linking institutions and growth and covers in some detail the evidence regarding economic institutions, confirming that institutions matter. However, the findings from different studies are far from consistent in terms of identifying exactly what it is that matters. Given the prevalence of weak or poorly functioning states amongst the poorest countries of the world, the paper also reviews literature on the political aspects of development, particularly in relation to the role of institutions. Likewise, the paper selectively illustrates the ide...
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2016
The Andrew Young School of Policy Studies was established at Georgia State University with the objective of promoting excellence in the design, implementation, and evaluation of public policy. In addition to two academic departments (economics and public administration), the Andrew Young School houses seven leading research centers and policy programs, including the International Center for Public Policy. The mission of the International Center for Public Policy is to provide academic and professional training, applied research, and technical assistance in support of sound public policy and sustainable economic growth in developing and transitional economies. The International Center for Public Policy at the Andrew Young School of Policy Studies is recognized worldwide for its efforts in support of economic and public policy reforms through technical assistance and training around the world. This reputation has been built serving a diverse client base, including the World Bank, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), finance ministries, government organizations, legislative bodies and private sector institutions. The success of the International Center for Public Policy reflects the breadth and depth of the in-house technical expertise that the International Center for Public Policy can draw upon. The Andrew Young School's faculty are leading experts in economics and public policy and have authored books, published in major academic and technical journals, and have extensive experience in designing and implementing technical assistance and training programs. Andrew Young School faculty have been active in policy reform in over 40 countries around the world. Our technical assistance strategy is not to merely provide technical prescriptions for policy reform, but to engage in a collaborative effort with the host government and donor agency to identify and analyze the issues at hand, arrive at policy solutions and implement reforms.
Revue d'économie industrielle, 1992
In this paper I sketch the contours of a research program which draws on the insights of both institutionalist theories of long term economic change and world system analysis in order to analyze the many ways in which national and global inequalities interact. While the political economy approach developed in the research program of Acemoglu and Robinson has provided important insights on the relationship between national inequalities and economic growth, world system analysis focuses on interactions and asymmetries in the global economic and political system and their effects on national trajectories. On the one hand, I propose ways to make national institutions endogenous to international economic and political interaction via the influences these may have on national inequalities. The key to this discussion is the realization that the impact of international economic interaction on domestic distribution may be changed significantly, even in sign, if rights are weakly enforced and “grabbing” type redistributive activities are ubiquitous, especially inside and by the state. On the other hand, I explore the gains from looking at the world system as an institutional system, applying ideas developed by Acemoglu and Robinson, and North, Wallis and Weingast to analyze inequalities and asymmetries in countries to the entire globe. Here, both the question of whether a global elite coalition is to be defined as a group of countries or as a network of global elites in states, business and media and the question of how the international institutional order limits access to global political and economic resources are central.
2012
Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2004
The authors are grateful to all those who actively participated on the Scientific Committee and who both monitored the progress of that work and facilitated the use of the database. Only the authors are responsible for the ideas set out below, as well as for any remaining shortcomings. They also thank participants and organizers of FEMISE (Marseille, France 2003) and the "Institutions and Growth" (CESifo, Venice,
, in his article 'Institutions and Economic Development: Theory, Policy and History', argues that economists place too much faith in 'liberalized' institutions. Institutions matter for growth, he contends, but not the way institutional economists think they do. In this article, we offer a defense of the hypothesis that 'institutions matter' for economic growth and present several objections to Chang's arguments.
Policy Research Working Papers, 2018
The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent.
Applied Economics Letters, 2017
A substantial literature shows that economic prosperity is dependent on the quality of economic institutions. Countries with low-quality institutions remain poor while countries with high-quality institutions prosper. Improvement in institutional quality brings with it economic growth. Poor countries must improve their economic institutions to escape poverty, so if a poor country's institutional structure is unlikely to improve, that suggests dismal prospects for economic growth and an escape from poverty. An examination of institutional quality over 30 years indicates that countries with low-quality institutions have improved their institutional quality, which demonstrates that poor countries are not stuck with low-quality institutions. They can improve their institutions, and consequently, can generate economic growth and escape poverty.
Preface "Is there some action a government of India could take that would lead the Indian economy to grow like Indonesia's or Egypt's? If so, what, exactly? If not, what is it about the "nature of India" that makes it so? The consequences for human welfare involved in questions like these are simply staggering: Once one starts to think about them, it is hard to think about anything else-Robert Lucas" (Lucas 1988). In May 2008 we organized a workshop on "Institutions, Innovation and Development" at Aalborg University (see: http://www.business.aau.dk/wiid/). It was a successful event which resulted in fruitful and interesting interaction among participants. Another, and more tangible, output of the workshop is this collection of the working papers published in the working paper series of the Department of Business Studies, Aalborg University. The main motivation for the workshop is encapsulated in the quote from Robert Lucas above. Moreover, it is our conviction that research, within evolutionary economics, on innovation and technological change holds great potential for explaining and guiding economic development. The opening statement in the INNOGRIPS workshop on Innovation & Development which was held in Manchester in April 2008, nicely presents the argument: "Innovation studies have mainly originated in, and focused on, industrialised economies. In some ways this is not surprising, since much of the investment and pace-setting in innovation has stemmed from these countries. Though it took a long time for many economists to realise it, technological innovation has been widely recognised as a major factor in the growth of these economies. There is now increasing awareness of, and interest in, the importance of innovation for the so-called "less developed countries" (INNO GRIPS, 2008). The workshop put attention to themes as learning, innovation and institutional economics. Our intention was to strengthen research on developmental issues within the IKE-group through the involvement of other research groups and independent researchers (from inside or outside Aalborg University) with similar interests. The idea was to stimulate a positive and open atmosphere of informal interaction and discussion rather than standard presentations. Such a format is moreover suitable for outlining and/or identifying new important research areas.
Journal of Economic Policy Reform, 2020
Recent literature has underlined the role that institutions play in the process of development, making it essential to understand why differences exist in the quality of institutions across countries. The goal of this study is to investigate the determinants of institutional quality. Our results confirm that institutional quality is conditioned by variables that can be modulated by public policy, such as income per capita, international openness, education, taxation, and patterns of income (re)distribution. Our conclusions differ from the pessimistic outlooks of works highlighting deterministic factors, such as colonial or geographical factors, as determinants of institutional quality.
Organization Studies, 2009
In the present text, an institution is understood to be an (observable) pattern of collective action, justified by a corresponding norm. By this definition, an institution emerges slowly, although it may be helped or hindered by various specific acts. From this perspective, an institutional entrepreneur is an oxymoron, at least in principle. In practice, however, there are and always have been people trying to create institutions. This article describes the emergence of the London School of Economics and Political Science as an institution and analyzes its founders and its supporters during crises as institutional entrepreneurs. A tentative theory of the phenomenon of institutional entrepreneurship is then constructed by combining elements of sociology of translation, actor-network theory and garbage can model. The article concludes with a suggestion that the way institutional enterprises are narrated may differ from the way they are built, and a genre analysis can be of further help in understanding this phenomenon.
World Bank, Washington DC, 2008
2003
The disparity between the development paths followed by the economies of a limited number of countries, known as «emerging», and the bulk of the other developing countries has shown the limitations of previous development strategies. As a consequence, at the beginning of the 1990s, the question of institutions has been propelled to the top of the economic agenda. The empirical literature has now solidly documented and validated the general relationship between institutions and development. With this as a starting point, attention is now being concentrated on the actual nature of the institutional mechanisms at work, the inter-relationships between them and their combined impact on development. Whereas previous analysis of development had mainly drawn on the instruments derived from national accounts, there are not as yet internationally standardised observation instruments for tackling the questions now being raised. A few institutional indicators were created since the end of the 1...
Handbook of Development Economics, 1995
HDCA Conference on Equality, …, 2008
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