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2016, Flux
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At the heart of urban dynamics over the past few decades, the reconversion of riverside and port spaces in cities of the western world is associated with the deindustrialisation of these sites, often situated near historic city centres. This contemporary situation puts industrial heritage conversion at the centre of thinking which goes beyond the mere conservation of the original value of the buildings to question the future of cities, in relation to the notion of sustainability. In New York, after thirty years of neglect, the old railway viaduct known as the “High Line” has been transformed into an elevated, linear urban parkway. The project should be reframed within with the Hudson Riverpark operation, an impressive requalification of the Manhattan riverside, also associated with the older Riverside Park. The High Line is a vestige of the first Industrial Revolution, a hybrid, suggestive creation of a flexible morphology mingling infrastructure and building. Its reconversion has succeeded in reactivating growth in an important part of the meatpacking district. The operation brings together local authorities, the New York city administration and landowning companies. In the wake of the regeneration of the east bank of the Manhattan, its reconversion does not follow the dominant model of waterfront regeneration, pioneered in the United States since the 1960s. Through its prism, different political, economic and social relationships can be identified (arrival of Michael Bloomberg as mayor, the “railway banking” procedure, the ‘Friends of the High Line’ association), creating a new approach which has already become a reference. From Chicago to Philadelphia, from Atlanta to Rotterdam, many cities now envisage the rehabilitation of vast urban sectors in the same way, by converting their railway viaducts in the manner of the High Line. The importance of this operation allows us to consider deindustrialisation as a process capable of engendering a change in the urban territory through an approach at different scales and crossing over existing boarders.
Urban History Review, 1999
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contexte de profonds changements économiques, politiques et sociaux, cinq sociétés immobilières voient le jour à Neuchâtel entre mai 1858 et juillet 1859. Reflet de leurs tailles et de leurs objectifs, elles offrent un nombre et un éventail de réalisations très variés : d'une à quarante constructions dans le domaine du logement et des infrastructures. Si la figure de l'architecte est discrète, la forte implication des autorités municipales constitue par contre une surprise.
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Founded in 1804 for preservation and educational purposes, the New-York Historical Society (or N-YHS) gradually brought together a growing collection of objects and works of artduring the first half of the 19th century. This process eventually led to the 1857 inauguration of a proper art gallery intended to house these works and present them to the public. Such project had been carefully elaborated between 1850 and 1857, confronting the necessity of inventing an institutional type that did not yet exist in Manhattan. A second period, from 1857 to 1870, witnessed the above-mentioned gallery attain a certain preeminence. Its reputation was accompanied by a true artistic and curatorial aspiration on every level. The joint desire to build an even more ambitious museum for the city was materialized at the same time by the efforts led by the N-YHS to acquire land in Central Park. But the project faced internal and external limits. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, founded in 1869, ultimately supplanted the N-YHS and plunged the gallery into relative oblivion. This article seeks to reinstate its role in the development of the history of American museums.
in V. Appel, L. Lacôte-Gabrysiak, D. Le Nozach (dir.), La mise en scène des produits et des marques. Représentations, significations, publics. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2014
At the heart of urban dynamics over the past few decades, the reconversion of riverside and port spaces in cities of the western world is associated with the deindustrialisation of these sites, often situated near historic city centres. This contemporary situation puts industrial heritage conversion at the centre of thinking which goes beyond the mere conservation of the original value of the buildings to question the future of cities, in relation to the notion of sustainability. In New York, after thirty years of neglect, the old railway viaduct known as the “High Line” has been transformed into an elevated, linear urban parkway. The project should be reframed within with the Hudson Riverpark operation, an impressive requalification of the Manhattan riverside, also associated with the older Riverside Park. The High Line is a vestige of the first Industrial Revolution, a hybrid, suggestive creation of a flexible morphology mingling infrastructure and building. Its reconversion has succeeded in reactivating growth in an important part of the meatpacking district. The operation brings together local authorities, the New York city administration and landowning companies. In the wake of the regeneration of the east bank of the Manhattan, its reconversion does not follow the dominant model of waterfront regeneration, pioneered in the United States since the 1960s. Through its prism, different political, economic and social relationships can be identified (arrival of Michael Bloomberg as mayor, the “railway banking” procedure, the ‘Friends of the High Line’ association), creating a new approach which has already become a reference. From Chicago to Philadelphia, from Atlanta to Rotterdam, many cities now envisage the rehabilitation of vast urban sectors in the same way, by converting their railway viaducts in the manner of the High Line. The importance of this operation allows us to consider deindustrialisation as a process capable of engendering a change in the urban territory through an approach at different scales and crossing over existing boarders.
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