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"For fifteen centuries, China and India prior to western conquests of Asia in 16th century were the world's economic and military superpowers. At the height of the Han dynasty in China and the Maurya dynasty in India, both affluent and powerful oriental countries traded with occidental's Roman empire, with remnants of the infamous 'Silk Road' as part of their commercial trades in ancient times.The past 'triumvirate' of China, India, and Rome's pax Romana in the past when translated in today's political dynamics in international system has the resurgence of China and India on the side with the United States' pax Americana as the successor of the western power's past glory. At present we live in a uni-multipolar world with the US remaining to be the lone superpower in terms of hard and soft powers but is now challenged by developing yet emerging great powers today such as Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) including the European Union (EU). More so, both leaders of these two continental Asian argonauts are pronouncing positive views in their re-emergence. However, Asian countries, particularly China and India, despite of their friendly pronouncements and policies toward its neighbors and with each other, have tendencies to realpolitik - a foreign policy based on pragmatic concerns and political expediency rather than ideals and ethics. Thus, as influential actors in the security dynamics of Asian and the world, they both focus on the balance of power among nation-states. Today and beyond, we will see revitalized China and India or 'Chindia' as the "new Asian drivers of global change" that are becoming global players that can forcefully alter the relationship between the industrialized and the developing countries. Key Words: China, India, Chindia, Structural Realism /Neorealism, Realpolitik, Good Neighborliness Policy, Look East Policy"
2011
This chapter overviews the themes and conclusions of the volume, examining the causes behind the rise of China and India, the implications for the U.S., and the responses of other Asian states. main argument: China and India will likely sustain high levels of economic growth for some time due to favorable factor endowments, sensible national policies, and the benefits of late integration into the liberal international order maintained by U.S. power. Although the global dominance of Asia's rising giants is not inevitable, given that they both face significant domestic challenges, other Asian states are integrating economically with China especially, and at the same time are seeking ways to preserve their own security and autonomy against China's economic, political, and military ambitions. While India is far from becoming the central strategic focus of Asia, its internally powered rise foreshadows greater future possibilities and its democratic system makes it an attractive partner for other states seeking to counterbalance China's growing might. policy implications: • Whereas the U.S. tolerated relative decline during the first wave of Asian ascendance due to alliances with Japan, Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, the rise of China and India requires policymakers to grapple with managing the dilemma of sustaining economic interdependence that generates overall growth but produces new geopolitical rivals to U.S. primacy. • The U.S. and India share a strategic affinity that neither can easily replicate with China. However, unlike the dependency developing between the U.S. and China, engagement with India has not yet produced a relationship deep enough that its failure would cost both sides dearly. • The U.S. cannot presume that the extant international order will pacify a rising power such as China. Instead, the U.S. must seek to rebuild its strength and reinvigorate the Asian alliance system.
International Critical Thought, 2012
The growing strength of India-ASEAN relations has created unease for China with the improvement of India-US relations. China's main concern is that the new focus of US foreign policy toward the Asia-Pacific region - the so-called "pivot" - is aimed at containing China's rise. This paper is oriented towards assessing as to why India needs to involve China in shaping the future of Asia as the powerhouse of the world so much so that the world is redrawing its focus in Asia. India and China need to acknowledge each other’s strengths and weaknesses and contribute to shaping regional economic and security architecture. It is also in India’s interest to develop a strategy and build a peaceful environment conducive to both India and China’s aspirations rather than to be perceived by China to have any kind of a role in the so-called US led containment of China.
Transition Studies Review, 2007
This paper focuses on the evolution of the relationship between China and India in Asia. Drawing on the theoretical tradition of regionalism and deepening this framework considering the impacts of interdependency, hegemonic stability theory, and equilibrium theory on it, the paper presents a model through which the dyadic evolution of the relationship and its possible influence on East Asia might be interpreted. It is suggested that both paradigms might be useful for interpreting how China and India will develop in the Asian scenario. Starting from the importance of the positions both countries have acquired within the region, it explores the potential for these two countries to play a leading role in Asia. I conclude by asserting that despite conflicting interests and competitive interactions frameworks currently characterize the region, a collaborative but still delicate scenario in which China and India play leading but concerted roles is more likely to happen.
Indian Journal of Politics and International Relations, 2022
India and China, while rising simultaneously as big powers, no doubt, cooperate on multi-fronts but also appear to be engulfed in the colonial-inherited border dispute. Sincere efforts have been made to delineate a Line of Actual Control (LAC), but this still remains undefined as a result, has given rise to a volatile situation including face-offs, deaths and shows of force. India adopted a conciliatory approach, but the year 2017 proved to be a turning point when India started to firm up its stance and indicated to China that it is more of a peer competitor and will not compromise on its territory. This was not only meant for the consumption of the domestic constituency but also to demonstrate that India has the potential to standup to the Chinese hegemonic overtures and thus place itself so that the regional countries having grievances with China could find India as an alternative partner to rely on. Still engaging China in trade and multilateral forums, India has been exploring several alternative strategies that include joining the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, strengthening bilateral relations with the US, emphasizing the centrality of regional institutions such as the ASEAN, and continuing its time-tested friendship with Russia. India is intending to pursue these policy postures with the intent to retain its strategic autonomy while engaging with the major powers to fulfil its own ambition of big power in the future, thus, instead of a zero-sum alliance system, it intends to pursue a multipolar-Asia paradigm. This chapter attempts to trace the historical antecedents, divergences and strategic competition between India and China, strategic policy options for India and its ambition to become a sub-superpower in the future.
Journal of Chinese Political Science, 2018
There is a prevailing consensus that the center of global politics has shifted from Europe to the Asia-Pacific area in recent years. The move can be ascribed to various factors, such as the rise of China and India as influential actors, Japan's progressive assertion of its military capabilities, and a significant realignment of the United States' worldwide military posture in favor of the Asia-Pacific area. China and India are widely recognized as two of the largest developing countries worldwide, characterized by their quickly growing economy, substantial populations, and ancient and prosperous cultures. Nevertheless, it is crucial to recognize that they occupy a major position as developing powers in the Asian area. In the past twenty five years, China and India have made substantial progress in their ability to produce goods and services and in their overall national capabilities. Furthermore, both countries have developed strategic methods to reduce the effects of each other's influence within their own geographical regions. Consequently, the mutual trade between these groups has not succeeded in promoting the expected increased collaboration and mitigating the security risk that arises from power politics. However, the relationship between China and India has had a varying path since then, and achieving a complete resolution of bilateral disagreements and fostering mutual confidence still necessitates substantial advancement.
South Asia Research, 2010
China Quarterly, 2017
Melbourne Journal of International Journal , 2011
STRATEGIC ANALYSIS
2013
Relations between China and India have grown apace including in military cooperation. As they become the largest economies in the world this century they will together be the main drivers of the global economy. Commentary IN A parallel development with the rise of Asia, bilateral relations between the two largest countries, China and India, have improved remarkably since the late 1980s. Trade volume, which was about US$3 billion at the turn of the century has soared to US$80 billion, making China India's largest trading partner and India China's biggest trading partner in South Asia. They aim to increase their trade to US$100 billion by 2015. Underscoring the importance of China-India relations Mr Xi Jinping, the new General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party and President-in-waiting of China, in a letter to Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, assured that China "expects to carry out close cooperation with India to create a brighter future of their bilateral relations". The world, he added, has enough space for the two and "needs their common development"
Studia Orientalne, 2021
In a prevailing climate of the pessimism of 2019/2020 (and even fears of a possible large-scale crisis), a widespread belief was developing that our world is at some dangerous bend, which-even if luckily passed-leads further to some tough choices. The future appeared to be extremely vague, with a lot of crucial unknowns. Societies of many countries, in search of adequate leaders for such challenging times, faced fundamental choices. Present world realities became a combination of simultaneous cooperation with foreign partners (which became a necessity) and-open, or hidden-rivalry, often with the same partners. Eventually, the name of the game was future world leadership. Many mature centers of world development, until recently driving forces of economic growth, visibly weakened. Most of the G-7 economies slowed their growth already at the end of 2019. In the description of these processes, recent renowned world reports referred 2 to "increased risk", "protracted uncertainty", "weak dynamics". However, there were also elements of the global design, which, despite the momentary difficulties and particular, perhaps a natural change in the dynamics, did not undergo general erosion. For example, and for quite some time, the Asian Development Bank Institute has been promoting the idea of a great, global transformation, in which Asia and the so-called "ACI countries" (together ASEAN, China, and India) would play a lead role 3 .
How well do theories of economic interdependence and structural realism explain the India-China divergence between growing economic relations and continuing strategic mistrust? This article looks at the Indian side and argues that we need to go beyond economic and strategic factors, and brings in a more contingent approach based on domestic elite discourse and thinking. The article suggests that a more nuanced and complex debate on China is emerging in India than that posited by interdependence or realism, a debate that is framed by what I term nationalist, realist and globalist schools of thought, with the latter two groups currently holding the center of gravity.
Himachal Pradesh University Journal: Humanities and Social Sceinces, 2024
Indian foreign policy has registered a significant shift in its role and character in the twenty-first century. Unlike the principles of NAM, the five principles of peaceful coexistence and disarmament have been guided more by factors like Indian national strategic interests, proactive diplomatic policy, regional dynamics, and global aspirations. The 'Look East policy' has transitioned into 'The Act East policy', which prioritises the expansion of economic relations, the promotion of cross-cultural interactions, the consolidation of security cooperation, and the strengthening of engagement with East and Southeast Asia.
Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola
At the changing geopolitical landscape with the Covid-19 pandemic scenario, the China-India tussle and scale of regional and global exposition has begun to display with certain consequences, which seems to shake the existing regional balance of power. A mounting political and military confrontation between these two powers as experts suggested could create a hurdle on regional-global stability and can strike on the path of globalization. With historical and existing context analysis, this paper explores that putting genuine differences aside, China and India being responsible stakeholders of the global community, can cooperate and contribute to regional and global peace and prosperity. This paper is based on qualitative research and explorative form in a pattern. This paper concludes that to reduce protracted political and border-related tensions, continuous institutional dialogue, regular communication, and formal-informal exchanges could be effective tools for a peaceful resolution. At this juncture, the competition and cooperation approach could be useful for fostering China-India bilateral relations, and this situation will help to address common challenges of the global community, restructure the global order, and readjust regional and global scenarios crippled by the Covid-19 pandemic.
The idea that the BRICS is or is becoming a reformer of global order and a promoter of a new, less normative and more plural international order, is of academic and practical relevance and has already elicited a number of scholarly reviews. Yet, to have an effect on the institutional bedrock of the liberal world order, the BRICS and its members would need to be cooperative and mutually supportive not only in the global arena but also within their proper courtyards, where the source of their power and the happiness of their people lies. This paper advances and elaborates that argument on the basis of an Indian classic, Kautilya. Building on that perspective, it also engages in a tentative analytical exercise arguing in favour of tolerating Chinese prevalence and cooperating with them – particularly in the context of SAARC. What motivates this paper is the desire to imagine and conceive theoretical and strategic openings in the context of a power transition. Its objective is not to degrade Western traditions but to complement and contrast them with non-Western ones.
2010
The India-China relationship: a tempered rivalry? by Rod Lyon Asian geopolitics in coming decades will be shaped by the rise of two new regional great powers: China and India. As those powers assume larger roles in regional security, alongside the United States and, likely, a Japan that aspires to strategic and not merely economic influence in Asia, the security environment will become more complex. But the rising powers won't merely be fighting for strategic space against incumbents: China and India have their own relationship to sort out-a relationship marked by elements of both convergence and divergence. That the two are neighbours seems to contribute as much to the rough as to the smooth of the relationship, geographic proximity providing both a focus for tension and an important driver for crisis management.
2015
Much attention has been given to the dramatic rise of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a statesman in the regional and international political theaters since his electoral victory in May 2014. U.S. President Barack H. Obama's latest visit to India in late January was significant because it affirmed Washington's determination to forge an alliance with India against a rising China. After a decade of antiterrorism efforts concentrated on Central Asia and the Middle East, the U.S. has become an active player in shaping the balance of power between China and India.
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