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2024, Chinese Journal of African Studies
Irrefutably, poverty is present everywhere in the world, but the kind in Africa is too grave in manifestation and with widest spread in its consequences. In China and other advanced economies, any manifestation of poverty is a challenge to move forward, but in Africa, the reverse is the case. This paper argues that grinding poverty is the main reason for the absence of meaningful development in Africa and that development is retarded on the continent because of pervasive mental and material poverty. However, poverty is not peculiar to Africa. For example, it is a well known fact that China in the pre-reform era had a far higher poverty rate than Africa as a whole at that time. The difference however, lies in the fact that while manifestations of poverty and miseries have propelled China to prosperity and progress under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC), poverty remains the gravest hindrance to African development in the 21 st Century. Therefore, the continent and the international community continue to seek for better ways out of extreme poverty and to achieve sustainable development in Africa. Learning from China's anti-poverty strategies and development models by Africa has been dominating the debates. This study critically analyzes the issues of poverty and development in the context of how Africa's relationship with China and vice versa can positively influence anti-poverty efforts and assist in the accomplishment of development in the 21st century Africa.
International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478)
Prior to China’s reform, the poverty count surpassed that of the whole African continent. However, within five years, the Chinese could reverse this narrative. Between 1980 and 2020, China lifted a staggering 800 million citizens out of poverty. By February 2021, the Chinese declared that the war on ‘absolute poverty’ had been won when measured using the standard equivalence of $2.30 a day per person. In consonance with the Chinese feat on poverty, the study examines the strategy adopted in defeating poverty and highlights fundamental lessons that rural developmental stakeholders in South Africa may embrace in achieving a similar feat. To achieve this aim, the study adopted a literature review alongside a desktop analysis in deducing critical lessons from the Chinese war on poverty that may apply to rural developmental stakeholders in South Africa. Hence, an extensive assemblage of earlier studies on Chinese poverty alleviation strategies was looked into systematically. The study hi...
PERENNIAL JOURNAL OF HISTORY
Poverty exists without any face; it is a multifaceted and complex phenomenon. Poverty and famines existed before human civilization and culture. Human culture existed 0.07 million years ago, and civilization began 6000 years ago. In a modern civilized society, ‘first famine in human history occurred in 1708 B.C. From 1708 BC to 1878 AD, 350 famines occurred in various spheres of the world. The Encyclopedia Britannica listed 31 main famines from prehistoric to the 1960s. The sub-continent has also faced eleven severe famines from 1769-70 to 1943, and about 40.9 million people have died due to these famines. Similarly, more than 2 billion people live below the poverty line. Besides, China left 800 million people due to ‘Open Door Policy’. Now she is changing the world's shape through BRI. Africa is a complex and perplexing region of the world. Because, Africa is facing all the root problems of the world, i.e., poverty, massive unemployment and income inequality, mono-culture polit...
Journal of Management Policy and Practice, 2013
Africa still has some of the poorest nations in the world despite over half a century of efforts by Western countries and institutions. Today, the Chinese have a stronghold in Africa and are working to help African nations develop. The Chinese approach is diametrically opposite to the Western approach. Where the West has failed, the Chinese hope to build new, vibrant economies. They also intend to be there for the long term. While early results indicate significant progress, the success of the Chinese effort will depend more on the capacity of African countries to capitalize on the opportunity to develop.
University of Illinois College of Law, 2008
Prominent development institutions and researchers have documented the ascendance of China in the global political economy and mainly explored how the global balance of power is affected by China's growing economic expansion. Political economists have argued that it is part of the generic economic power shift from the global north to south whilst security studies place emphasis on Chinese national geo-political interests in several regions. This article discusses what lessons can be drawn from China's developmental state experience and how these can inform Sub-Saharan African developmental strategies. We argue that China's rise has been driven by both market and non-market institutions and show how peculiar contextual historical and socio-political factors have been integral to building the Chinese developmental state. This demonstrates the importance of building effective state institutions to support sustainable economic growth and human development. We highlight the principles shaping institutional mechanisms relating to the rapid economic growth and argue that African governments should apply these in their attempts to rebuild state capacity. However, we also point out that negative trends such as authoritarianism and persistent inequality should not be replicated. Rather, Sub-Saharan Africa should build democratic developmental states characterised by pro-poor sustainable inclusive growth.
2008
China and Africa: whose challenge and whose opportunity? cholarly contributions on China's rise as an 'incipient superpower' tend to focus on its economic 'giantism', its modernising security establishment, its energy policies and needs and, to some extent, its impact on the global natural environment in an age of climate change and environmental degradation. John Mearsheimer (2006) analysed China's rise, and its concomitant impact on the international system, on the basis of hegemony, defining the country's rise as 'unpeaceful' 1 due to the potential for an 'intense security competition' with the US that might result in 'considerable potential for war'. When it comes to China's relations with Africa, international views, especially in the United States, whether scholarly or journalistic, seem to regard China as a 'bad influence', potentially undermining 'years of international efforts to link aid to better governance', and as a prop for 'dangerous regimes, producing a new cycle of unsustainable debt, and damaging antipoverty efforts across the region' (Chan 2007; see also Klare and Volman 2006). Often, also, the impression is created of an 'either/or' situation-that Africa's growing relations with China are a sign of a move away from its traditional trading partners (Europe and the US) and that Africa 'privileges' relations with China on ideological and political grounds. Increasingly, though, this negative view is being challenged by more nuanced analyses of the relationship between China and Africa (see e.g. Alden 2007; Kohnert 2008). One obvious problem that commentators and analysts are confronted with, is that of 'what is Africa?'-i.e. the tendency to treat Africa as a single unit or country, in other words the tendency to oversimplify. The relationship between China and 'Africa' is not a bilateral relationship, but a series of bilateral relations between China and more than 40 countries on the African continent. At the same time, it could be argued that there is scope for generalising about Africa, provided that the analyst allows for differentiation and the fact that the nature of these relations might vary from country to country. So, for instance, Zafar (2007) distinguishes between groups of countries in Africa on the basis of the economic impact of their relations with China: winners, mixed and losers.
2006
Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China's increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China's political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China's interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China's interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with 'one-country, one vote' arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa's vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China's engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China's presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China's involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China's behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from 'responsible' African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU). I would like to acknowledge the following people, without whom the completion of this assignment would not have been possible: o First and foremost my supervisor, Dr. Scarlett Cornelissen. Her comments and suggestions provided invaluable guidance throughout the process of writing this thesis, and her constructive critique helped me to challenge myself. In addition, I would like to thank her for her constant encouragement and motivation, which I found truly inspiring. o I would also like to thank Dr. Ian Taylor for his valuable insights and comments regarding the topic of my thesis. o Thirdly, I would like to acknowledge the support of my classmates and friends, especially Cindy-Lee Steenekamp and Mirjam van Vliet: there is nothing like being in the same boat! o And last, but not least, thank you to my family for their encouragement, support and absolute faith in my abilities, and especially my sister, Annelle, for her unfailing support and genuine interest in my work.
African Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research , 2018
The paper delves into China-Africa partnership in the area of security, fighting poverty and human development. It examines the ambiance of such socioeconomic and political interplay, where China seeks to strengthen such partnership on win-win basis. The paper adopts a descriptive research using the library documentation as secondary methodology. Findings show that, there is strong commitment on the Chinese side to making sure that Africa becomes a better place to leave and devoid of conflicts. Secondly, it shows how China consolidates efforts training Africans in different areas of science and humanities for the betterment of the lives of the African people. The paper concludes that a shift in Chinese foreign policy of non-interference has already taken place using implicit strategy of creative involvement and constructive intervention, just as the shift in the policy of peacekeeping operation, where China rejected the use of force in the process. This was later changed to the use of limited force when the peacekeepers or civilians are threatened. Interference in a positive manner either in governance, security and poverty reduction if welcome by Africa is a good thing to embrace. Africa will never accept negative intervention at the detriment of its sovereignty and people. It should be noted that, history has shown that if states are in alliance, acceptable involvement and intervention only supports an ally in achieving significant goals. The paper recommends that, development projects as envisaged by China should be feasible and flexible to the consumption and sustenance of Africa.
Abstract: Africa has been supplying resources for industrialising and industrialised nations for at least five centuries. As industrialisation and development accelerated in China, its need for resources soon exceeded internal supplies. China has become a major purchaser of resources from sub-Saharan Africa especially in the last decade. When China joined the competition for African products the balance of foreign interests in the region changed. This paper explores the impact of China on sub-Saharan Africa, and assesses the sustainability implications of Chinese involvement in this region using the economic concept, ‘the triple bottom line’ (people, profit, planet). Keywords: China, Sub-Saharan Africa, Sustainability
The present paper seeks to address to the assertion that China’s presence in Africa since 1960s can only be explained on imperial grounds. In this regard scholarly discourse had come up with terms and explanations those China relations with Africa serves colonial motifs. Chris Alden (2008) explains China presence in Africa as “the new age of the Dragon”. Also China has “suddenly exploded into and now even in the process of conquering Africa”, China as a “neo-colonialist.” Further Marcus Power and Giles Mohan (2008)2 define China’s activities in Africa as “rogue aid” and “soft power.” In addition China dealings in Africa have raised suspicion and responses among the nations of the West and those in Africa some of which made China without exception that its presence in Africa since the 1960s can be best understood on imperial ground. Apart from the above assertion it is important to note that China’s presence had also positive and welcome in Africa due to a number of reasons. For example China had positive impact on development in infrastructure, aid, economic trading partner among others. More to be explored as the essay unfolds.
Bandung: Journal of the Global South, 2015
Has China embraced global poverty reduction? To what extent has it done so? China faces three paradoxes in trying to alleviate poverty: first, the country is on the whole getting richer, becoming one of the largest economies in the world, yet huge pockets of extreme poverty exist in the country. Second, it wants to be taken seriously as a responsible member of the international community. It would therefore like to be treated as a normal aid giver helping the poor in the developing world. Yet its own people are crying out loud for better social services at home. Third, while it wants to be respected by others in the world, it has been accused by other countries of ignoring, if not abusing, human rights in the Third World in its relentless search for natural resources, trade and investments. This paper aims to unravel these paradoxes by examining China’s foreign aid and its adherence or otherwise to the UN Millennium Development Goals. In so doing, the paper assesses China’s unilater...
Journal of Child & Adolescent Mental Health, 2016
Much has been made of China’s economic ascendency in Africa, most notably its overtaking of the US in 2009 to become the continent’s largest trading partner. Beyond trade, the broader contours of Chinese loans, export credits, investment, and aid have changed Africa’s economic landscape since 2000 when the first Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) meetings were held. In the extensive discussions – in government meetings, the media, public fora, and academic settings – that have ensued, China has been portrayed in distinctly contrasting terms; on the one hand, as a responsible partner of the global south, creating new markets for African products and supplying affordable goods to African consumers, while on the other as a rapacious superpower plundering the continent’s resources and flooding its markets with cheap manufactures that further undermine local production. Consequently, the impacts of China on African economies and Africa’s development have become one of the most con...
Is Chinese partnership beneficial to African nations? Simple or definitive answers to this question have eluded scholars, despite years of earnest research. Academic responses have not been uniform – often the only fact that can be agreed on is that Chinese-African relations are becoming increasingly important and prominent. A dominant narrative has arisen that paints China as an aggressor or even neocolonialist, coming to the continent to reap its abundant natural resources, empowering antidemocratic strongmen along the way. This viewpoint is reflected strongly by a non-academic community of Western policymakers and some journalists who are deeply concerned about the relative decline of Western influence and the prospect of Western political values being replaced by Chinese-style autocracy in Africa. The responding narrative, pushed by Chinese officials and several African leaders, argues that Sino-African relations are mutually beneficial and based on common respect for sovereign rule. Yet China’s approach to African nations is too complex to adhere fully to either narrative; on the ground, China’s engagement with African nations varies widely. This study seeks to offer a third perspective; that partnership with China has largely positive effects for African economies but a somewhat negative effect on African governance.
Berkeley Journal of International Law, 2008
Nemzet és Biztonság, 2019
As the increase of bilateral trade between China and sub-Saharan Africa in the last ten years has been skyrocketing at the expense of Western countries, paralleled by the renewed projection of Chinese soft power in the continent by means of technical aid and economic agreements, the author will analyse the scope, the underlying factors, and the potential consequences of Chinese development assistance to countries in the region. In a comparative manner, the paper also briefly describes the main features that make Chinese foreign assistance different from its Western counterpart. The author argues that there is a contradiction between the economic agenda of Beijing aimed at reproducing centre-periphery contradictions on the world stage with China at the centre of the envisaged world system, and a political discourse still based on the principle of non-interference and opposition to neo-colonialism.
The Developing Economies, 2019
This edited volume is a welcome addition to the rapidly growing academic literature on Sino-African relations. It includes chapters by some of the leading experts on the subject, such as Chris Alden, Deborah Brautigam, David Shinn, and Ian Taylor, who have been following China's involvement in Africa for two decades and have contributed in a major way to current understanding of the topic. The focus of the book is on the economic relations between China and Africa which, as is widely agreed, have dominated the relationship over the past two decades. The authors reject the view that sees China's involvement in Africa as neocolonial or a new form of imperialism, as is sometimes claimed in the media and by Western political leaders. They also avoid uncritical acceptance of the official Chinese characterization of relations as "win-win," pointing to some of the tensions that have arisen and the need for improvements. Following an introduction by the editors, the book is divided into four parts. Part I discusses China's economic growth and how this has affected the global economy. The two chapters by Linda Yueh and Célestin Monga highlight the way in which China has become a leading economic power with significant impacts on global commodity markets, trade in manufactures, FDI, and the international financial architecture. Despite concerns about an economic slowdown in China, increased domestic debt, and growing inequality, the authors agree that China's impact has been positive for the world economy as a whole and for the development prospects for Africa. The three chapters in Part II provide an overview of Sino-African relations. David Shinn describes the evolution of the relationship under different Chinese leaders from Mao to Xi Jinping. He highlights the fact that it is almost invariably China that has taken the lead in the relationship, which has been highly asymmetric. Chris Alden complements this view by showing how interpretations of China's role shifted over time, from highlighting solidarity politics to a discourse of economic complementarity, and most recently claims that China is fostering industrialization in Africa. Finally, Ian Taylor discusses the institutional framework of the relationship and the different Chinese actors involved to dispel the myth of a monolithic China inexorably advancing on Africa. Compared to the optimism of many of the chapters in the book, Taylor introduces a welcome note of realism. Part III consists of six chapters focusing on specific aspects of China's economic relations with Africa, and on particular sectors or countries. The first two chapters by Brautigam and by Gu and Carey discuss Chinese loans which have played an important role in financing the development of infrastructure, regarded as a major factor in bringing
2007
The term 'soft power' (Nye 1990) describes the ability of a state or other political body, to indirectly influence the behaviour or interests of other political bodies through cultural or ideological means. Soft power distinguishes the subtle effects of culture, values and ideas from more direct means, such as military or economic incentives. Africa too has an opportunity to utilise soft power in dealings with trading partners. The continent offers key natural resources to the world economy, but has other cultural resources of its own that may be of greater value in the new "world order" emerging from China's development. There is a soft power dimension to interactions with the African diaspora; the overseas population carries their culture to remote locations, generating both markets for cultural goods and demand for physical visits, this paper compares these opportunities with established examples. Miller and Slater (2000) have shown how information and communication technologies can assist the maintenance of identity in diasporic communities. The use of the internet as a social space by Trinidadians away from their home is mirrored in the use of the internet in support of both cultural and business activities in the African diaspora (Little, Holmes and Grieco, 2001). The global success of the Fairtrade movement represents a campaigning use of soft power, and the response of corporations can be seen in the raised profile of corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities. The success of the campaigns of African activists, leveraged by the internet, over access to Aids medication (Grieco and Little in press) demonstrate the potential of soft power to change both self perceptions and material conditions.
Caderno de Resumos da ... Feira de Iniciação em Engenharia de Limeira, 2014
China is today the biggest development partner to Africa. To reduce the country's growing influence in the continent, the western media is saturated with negative reports on how the people do business. The Chinese are said to be pursuing imperialist agenda and striking economic and political deals with corrupt and rogue regimes in Africa. This is believed to have corrosive effects on the growth of democratic governance in the continent. These criticisms notwithstanding, the influence of China in Africa has continued to grow. This paper tries to explain the paradoxical situation. African regimes work with the Chinese because the latter treat them with respect and tie no political conditionality to the support given to them. The Chinese also provide African political leaders with infrastructural support under liberal terms. The grassroots African peoples are also favourably disposed towards the Chinese because of their propoor policies and stances. They provide Africans with affordable phones and household appliances; they build roads, live amongst the people and work as equals with them at construction sites. The paper concluded on the note that the western criticism of China in Africa is more in the interest of the developed world than Africa. The western world is advised to treat Africans with better respect if it wants to enjoy the kind of influence that the Chinese are now having in Africa.
Current discussions on Africa–China relations unsatisfactorily focus mainly on China’s interests in Africa and its unconditional assistance extended to undemocratic governments in Africa. Therefore, it is important to discuss bilateral trade and China’s interests in Africa particularly in terms of the former’s energy insecurity and its role as the spoiler in African conflicts. It is also important to criticise the relatively poor quality of Chinese manufactured products and work on infrastructure in Africa. The issue of Chinese migrants to Africa and their impact on local labour markets is also useful. Furthermore, there is a need to study how to improve the transfer of technology and skills from China to Africa. Also, many Africans are interested in the lessons Africa can take from the unconventional development growth that China has registered in the last three decades.
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