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2006, Springer US
This book argues that a third wave of research on the EU is needed to adequately understand the increased interconnectedness between the European and national political levels. We posit that this third wave should be sensitive to the temporal dimension of European integration and Europeanization. In particular, we seek to link the processes of Europeanization and European integration in a new way by asking the question: how has Europeanization affected current modes of integration and cooperation in the EU? Preparing the ground for the third wave, the first part of the book concerns Europeanization. In order to fully understand the feedback of Europeanization on cooperation and integration it is important to analyze how European integration has had an impact on member states in the first place, in particular indirectly, beyond the direct mechanism of compliance with European policies. The research presented here stresses the role which domestic actors and in particular governments have in guiding the Europeanization impact on the member states. The second part of the book concerns integration and cooperation, in line with what we see as a third wave of research. Here we analyze how prior integration effects, that is Europeanization, influences current preferences for integration. We find that earlier integration effects have had a significant influence on those preferences, resulting however, somewhat surprisingly not always for a preference for closer integration. The multi-faceted interrelationships between the EU level and the national level and the increased interconnectedness between them cast doubt on the appropriateness of traditional readings of central concepts of political science and international relations such as territory, identity and sovereignty. The final section of the book therefore concerns the conceptual challenges faced by the continued development of multi-level governance. These contributions show that a conceptual reorientation is necessary because up until now these concepts have been almost exclusively linked to the nation state. One of the key findings of the book is the astonishing variation in modes of cooperation and integration in the EU. We suggest that this variation can be explained by taking into account the sources of legitimacy at the national and at the EU level on which cooperation and integration are based. We argue that whereas economic integration, in particular the creation of a single market, could be sufficiently backed by output legitimacy, deeper integration in other areas requires a degree of input legitimacy that is currently lacking in the EU. Therefore, non-economic integration is often taking the form of looser types of cooperation, such as the open method of coordination and benchmarking, allowing domestic actors more control over the Europeanization of these policies onto the member state. We elaborate on this speculation in the conclusion and believe that it should be part of the future research agenda of the third wave of European research.
Journal of European Public Policy, 2015
teaching and research staff, visiting professors, graduate students, visiting fellows, and invited participants in seminars, workshops, and conferences. As usual, authors bear full responsibility for the content of their contributions. Das Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS) wurde im Jahr 1963 von zwei prominenten Exilösterreicherndem Soziologen Paul F. Lazarsfeld und dem Ökonomen Oskar Morgenstern -mit Hilfe der Ford-Stiftung, des Österreichischen Bundesministeriums für Unterricht und der Stadt Wien gegründet und ist somit die erste nachuniversitäre Lehr-und Forschungsstätte für die Sozial-und Wirtschaftswissenschaften in Österreich. Die Reihe Politikwissenschaft bietet Einblick in die Forschungsarbeit der Abteilung für Politikwissenschaft und verfolgt das Ziel, abteilungsinterne Diskussionsbeiträge einer breiteren fachinternen Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Die inhaltliche Verantwortung für die veröffentlichten Beiträge liegt bei den Autoren und Autorinnen. Gastbeiträge werden als solche gekennzeichnet.
2014
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000
This paper aims to review the "state of the art" for examining EU-member state relations. It recognises first of all that EU-member state relationships are interactive. Member states are key actors in making EU policy, and their role in this process is central to policy-making studies. However, European integration has an important impact upon the member states: the phenomenon that has come to be termed Europeanization. We review the literatures concerned with these two directions of flow: the analytical issues raised and the theoretical perspectives deployed. We then turn to the empirical literature on EU-member state relationships, and how it operationalises the theoretical literatures (if at all). This empirical literature tends to be organised in two ways: individual or comparative studies of member states' relationships with the EU; or studies of the impact of the EU on types of political actor/institution or on policy areas/sectors. We review both these literatures. On the basis of the identified strengths and weaknesses in the different literatures examined, we suggest a research agenda for future theoretical and empirical work. Résumé Cette étude est une revue critique de la littérature portant sur la relation entre l'Union européenne et ses Etats membres. Elle part du constat que ces relations sont interactives. Les Etats membres restent des acteurs incontournables de l'élaboration des politiques publiques dans l'Union européenne et leur rôle apparaît donc essentiel dans l'analyse du policy-making. Cependant, l'intégration européenne a aussi un important impact sur les Etats membres eux-mêmes : le phénomène est souvent décrit à l'aide du terme "européanisation". L'étude fait une recension détaillée de ces influences mutuelles, des problèmes analytiques qu'elle soulève et des perspectives théoriques qu'elle permet de déployer. Elle examine ensuite la littérature empirique qui s'est intéressée à la relation entre l'Union européenne et les Etats membres, et sur la manière dont cette relation est rendue opérationnelle par la littérature théorique. Cette dernière comprend en effet deux dimensions : des études monographiques et comparatives sur les relations entre les Etats membres et l'Union européenne ; des études sur l'impact de l'Union européenne sur certains acteurs et institutions nationales, ou sur certaines politiques ou secteurs d'activités économiques. Sur la base de cet examen critique, nous suggérons enfin un agenda de recherche permettant de progresser au double plan de l'analyse théorique et empirique. 1 The material included in this paper will be used in the introduction and the conclusion of a forthcoming book: Simon Bulmer and Christian Lequesne (eds), The Member states of the European Union, Oxford, Oxford University Press, European Series. Comments and criticism are welcomed.
Many European and American observers of the EC have criticized "intergovemmentalist" ac counts for exaggerating the extent of member state control over the process of European integra tion. This essay seeks to ground these criticisms in a "historical institutionalist" account that stresses the need to study European integration as a political process which unfolds over time. Such a perspective highlights the limits of member-state control over long-term institutional de velopment, due to preoccupation with shorHerm concerns, the ubiquity of unintended conse quences, and processes that "lock in" past decusions and make reassertions of member-state control difficult. Brief examination of the evolution of social policy in the EC suggests the limita tions of treating the EC as an international regime facilitating collective action among essentially sovereign states. It is ore useful to view integration as a "path-dependent" process that has pro duced a fragmented but still discernible "multitiered" European polity.
East African Community Law, 2017
The European Union (EU) has achieved a unique level of political and economic integration. More than 500 million European citizens share an area of Freedom Security and Justice and an internal market that forms the largest economic bloc in the world. 19 national currencies have been 'integrated' into a single European currency, further enabling trade and increasing wealth. To achieve and sustain such integration, strong institutions have been built, novel legal and political mechanisms have been developed, and substantial powers have been shared at the Union level, all whilst maintaining the ultimate authority and democratic legitimacy of the Member States. This high level of integration has wielded enormous benefits in terms of wealth, stability and influence. For despite the vital importance of good law and institutions, part of the real secret behind integration is that it ultimately forms a win-win for all players involved. For states, citizens and businesses alike, integration can provide vital economic and political benefits. What is more, in our globalizing reality, integration is also necessary to retain the economic and political significance of individual states. As markets, companies and the digital world transcend borders, so must states transcend their own borders and cooperate to retain their relevance. At the same time, European integration has been a long and bumpy road, and the process is far from complete. For despite its long-term benefits, it remains a challenge to properly structure regional integration and to overcome short-term obstacles and conflicts of interest. How, for example, to balance the influence and interests of different Member States, how to divide the benefits and costs of integration, or how to structure democracy at the supranational level? Over the years, therefore, the EU has faced many challenges and setbacks as it pioneered the process of regional integration and tried to adapt how we govern to the reality that needs to be governed. Brexit only forms the most recent example of such a setback and of just how challenging it is to develop regional integration that is effective and legitimate, and that can resist short-term nationalistic reflexes, especially in times of (economic) crises and uncertainty. So far, however, the EU has always overcome such setbacks ,
JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 2007
In recent years, studies of European Union foreign policy activities have increasingly highlighted the importance of the normative dimension of the European integration process. This multidisciplinary volume contributes to that literature by focusing on Pillar I and Pillar II policies and on how the process of identity construction within the EU has been shaped just as much by external policy as by purely internal politics. Specifically the volume analyses the values, principles and images (VIPs) which help constitute the EU as an international actor; in doing so, it draws on the growing literature that frames the EU as (variously) a 'civilian', 'ethical', 'gentle' or 'normative' power in the world of international politics. Thus unsurprisingly the core values the book highlights include human rights and freedom of expression, democratic and representative government and the centrality of the rule of law. The core image of the world that helps transform values into principles is the liberal internationalist image of a Kantian actor-liberal, peaceable and committed to Groatian principles of regulation and international law. Setting out the volume's overarching theoretical frame of the EU as a contemporary integrative space and polity, Ian Manners examines the constitutive nature of the values, images and principles which inform how the EU behaves in the international arena. The VIPs which manifest themselves in those behavioural patterns are not just rhetorical or symbolic (and thus hollow); neither are they an expression of purely material attachments or ambitions. The EU really is different, as constructivist scholars of the integration process assert and really is pre-disposed to act in a normative way in its international activity. This is largely because it has evolved in a way which has facilitated the embedding of these core values, images and principles in its own self-representation and consequently in its foreign policy 'output'. And even if, as Knud Erik Jorgensen points out in his chapter, the VIPs identified in the volume are frequently contested and contestable (both in real world political activity and in scholarship), such VIPs constitute the primary cognitive repository which EU actors drawn on in contemplating what the EU is and should do in the world of international politics. In broadening the focus of EU external action and delivering a coherent and organically linked collection of chapters, the volume makes a valuable dual contribution to contemporary understandings of the European Union.
There is broad agreement among scholars and professionals that EU's role in a globalised, multipolar world is a significant research and policy issue that is embedded in different policy areas and research agendas. According to the 2007 European Council Declaration on Europeanization (EDCG), the EU aims at shaping globalization in the interests of EU citizens and on the basis of common European values and principles. To this aim, many of internal EU policies have progressively developed an external dimension. Already the EDCG identified a number of policy domains such as trade, financial markets, sustainable development, climate change and energy, and global security and migration . Social aspects are also increasingly included in trade negotiations or development aid via conditionality. Public procurement is a further area where the EU attempts to embed elements of its claimed social model in its external actions . A few scholars have provided evidence that, in turn, the external dimension of policies can be strategically used by the EU Commission for instance to shape (moderate) reform in the context of the internal market (Daugbjerg 2002. While increasingly attracting the attention of EU institutions , the interactions between the internal and external dimensions of EU policies nevertheless remain under researched. Against this backdrop, the aim of this panel is to shed light to the interplay of the internal and external dimension of EU policies. By doing so it will address the following questions:
Journal of Common Market Studies, 2013
provide fascinating insights into their work, discuss their intellectual trajectories, and reflect on politics, ethics and society. Barber stresses the limitations of representative democracy, and defends a theory of strong democracy
Rome, IAI, November 2019, 32 p. (EU IDEA Research Papers ; 2), 2019
In light of rising internal cleavages and centrifugal tendencies, differentiated integration (DI) has (re)arisen as a major topic in debates on the future of the European Union. As new forms of participation below the threshold of full membership are needed, this paper provides a conceptualisation of effective and legitimate DI. Going beyond existing scholarship’s focus on the legal dimension of DI, the paper emphasises its organisational component, meaning the variegated participation of EU member states, sub-state entities and third-country actors in the panoply of EU policy-making institutions, such as regulatory agencies and transgovernmental networks. The paper subsequently discusses how to measure effectiveness of such differentiated arrangements in terms of their output, outcome and impact, before theorising under what conditions we are likely to see effective DI. Finally, the paper turns to the question of legitimacy of DI, discussing its meaning, measurement and determinants.
How can post-national integration be explained? Integration may occur through strategic bargaining or through functional adaptation. However, it may also occur through deliberation, and this is vital because stability depends on learning and alteration of preferences. Deliberation, when properly conducted, ensures communicative processes where the force of the better argument sway people to harmonize their action plans. To understand integration beyond the nation state, explanatory categories associated with deliberation are required, as supranational entities possess far weaker and less welldeveloped means of coercion than do states.
This draft paper makes three claims. First, and conceptually, I argue that the EU is best understood as a system of differentiated integration. Second, and empirically, differentiation has become an increasingly relevant aspect of European integration. Third, while theories of European integration have failed so far to deal explicitly with differentiated integration, intergovernmentalism provides a fruitful starting point for theorizing differentiation.
Swiss Political Science Review, 2014
provide fascinating insights into their work, discuss their intellectual trajectories, and reflect on politics, ethics and society. Barber stresses the limitations of representative democracy, and defends a theory of strong democracy
Journal of European Integration, 2011
Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej, 2016
This article seeks to elaborate the theoretical discourse on different, competing explanations of the European integration, invoking the notion of the national interest that plays an essential role in the process. Despite increasing integration, the European interest remains quite different from the sum of the national interests of all Member States, and different theories, by presenting explanations of the integration process, raise or diminish its importance. The major premise of the intergovernmental theory is that the integration progress can be analyzed as an intergovernmental regime designed to coordinate the economic and political interdependence negotiated through bargaining. This implies that Member States’ behavior reflects actions taken by their governments based on rational choice, limited only by the domestic social demands and external strategic international environment. According to intergovernmentalism this process, within which states’ preferences are shaped, is in...
Jcms: Journal of Common Market Studies, 1996
This article takes initial steps in evaluating contending models of EU governance. We argue that the sovereignty of individual states is diluted in the European arena by collective decision-making and by supranational institutions. In addition, European states are losing their grip on the mediation of domestic interest representation in international relations. We make this argument along two tracks. First, we analyse the conditions under which central state executives may lose their grip on power. Next, we divide up the policy process into stages and specify which institutional rules may induce various actors to deepen EU policy-making.
Europe on Test (J. Fomina-J.Niznik eds), 2020
The paper deals with the problems of the quasi-federal EU-structure. These include the blurring competencies and influence of the federal units as well as challenges of populism and authoritarian solutions. A related issue is the weak representation of the common good and long-term interest. Most of these have to do with the weak legitimacy and weak redistributive capability of the federal state. I argue that the two options to overcome the current federal problems (the “Europe of nations” and the “multi-speed Europe”) are problematic themselves because of the overweight of the parts as opposed to the common good. On the other hand according to research findings there are unexploited sources that would strengthen the legitimacy and redistributive capacity of the EU (sense of tax fairness and multiple identities).
RSC Working Papers, 2021
A growing literature is studying the phenomenon of differentiated integration (DI) in the European Union (EU). Empirical studies have focused on charting the degree of existing differentiation, often understood as exemptions from common EU rules. The present report seeks to complement this literature in two ways: first, the report develops a holistic conceptualization of DI by distinguishing between polity and policy differentiation. Similarly, we distinguish two mechanisms through which differentiation can be realized, one satisfying demand for the status quo (‘opt-outs’) and the other satisfying demand for more integration (‘enhanced cooperation’). Second, the existing literature has paid relatively little attention to what the EU member states actually ‘think’ about DI. We contend that member states’ preferences about DI cannot be read off of differentiated EU rules, given that institutional rules and international bargaining processes intervene. Therefore, the report poses two empirical questions: What positions do EU member states take on DI? And why? To answer these questions, the report uses new data from 27 member states on expressed governmental preferences about differentiated integration between 2008-2020. With regard to the first question (WHAT), our findings are threefold: First, polity differentiation is seen slightly negatively on average by the member states. Second, there is significant cross-country variation in member state preferences toward polity differentiation. Third, the mechanism of ‘enhanced cooperation’ is viewed much more favourably than the ‘opt-out’ mechanism. With regard to the second question (WHY), our findings are twofold: First, member states’ positions are not only or predominantly determined by their structural characteristics (e.g. size, wealth, identity), but rather by the expected impact of DI on polity legitimacy and effectiveness. The second key finding is rooted in the inductive identification of factors that have not yet been prominently discussed in the literature. We find that ‘integration experience’, different ‘visions of the EU’, and the ‘shadow of polity DI’ play a role in how EU member states assess differentiated integration. Overall, these factors point to the conclusion that the formation of member state preferences does not happen in a vacuum but is strongly influenced by existing or expected European interdependences.
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