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2023, Handbook on Global Constitutionalism: Second Edition
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This chapter examines the International Relations theory of liberalism in relation to global constitutionalism. It uses the work of G. John Ikenberry, an American professor of International Relations as representative of liberalism. While Ikenberry's name is synonymous with this theory, as other commentators have suggested, he is far from its only representative in the United States. Ikenberry's thinking is in line with a 'worldview' of American liberal thought. This worldview reaches beyond an Ivy League perspective on the theory of International Relations (IR) and connects directly-as Ikenberry himself has throughout his career with the world of international practice and what has been described, in a related context, as the guidance that political theory can and should provide to decision-makers.
This article reformulates liberal international relations (IR) theory in a nonideological and nonutopian form appropriate to empirical social science. Liberal IR theory elaborates the insight that state-society relations—the relationship of states to the domestic and transna-tional social context in which they are embedded—have a fundamental impact on state behavior in world politics. Societal ideas, interests, and institutions influence state behavior by shaping state preferences, that is, the fundamental social purposes underlying the strategic calculations of governments. For liberals, the configuration of state preferences matters most in world politics—not, as realists argue, the configuration of capabilities and not, as institutionalists (that is, functional regime theorists) maintain, the configuration of information and institutions. This article codifies this basic liberal insight in the form of three core theoretical assumptions, derives from them three variants of liberal theory, and demonstrates that the existence of a coherent liberal theory has significant theoretical, methodologi-cal, and empirical implications. Restated in this way, liberal theory deserves to be treated as a paradigmatic alternative empirically coequal with and analytically more fundamental than the two dominant theories in contemporary IR scholarship: realism and insti-tutionalism., and three anonymous referees. I thank also two other critics: Peter Katzenstein encouraged a more direct comparison with constructivist approaches and John Mearsheimer invited me to state the liberal case visa `-vis realism in a series of public debates. I am also indebted to participants in seminars at the
The Liberal International Theory Tradition in Europe
The chapter outlines the rationale of the book and contextualizes the liberal theoretical tradition within the discipline of International Relations as well as in relation to broader currents of political thought, with a view to building bridges between disciplinary, theoretical and intellectual history. Moreover, the chapter introduces the agenda for the volume, provides a conceptual framework and an overview of the origins and trajectories through the twentieth century, including the various ways in which the liberal tradition branches out in distinct currents of thinking. Despite the tradition being a major, perhaps the main International Relations (IR) tradition, a comprehensive presentation of the tradition hardly exists and this general feature is in Europe amplified by the priority given, in the existing literature, to national settings.
In theories of international relations, liberalism is one of the oldest and most prominent theories that proposes to create a pacific world order through the means of cooperation among nations, enforcing international rules and norms, and establishing international institutions. As a progressive theory, liberalism seeks persuasive methods in international cooperation. Besides, the liberal theory expounds on a country's territorial sovereignty, independence, and self-determination. As per the liberal view, the state has to function with a minimum role, and other international institutions similarly function along with the state. Since the development of the liberal theory in international relations, there have been many interpretations and explanations given to it by various liberal theorists. This paper conducts a discussion on various aspects of the nature of liberal theory in international relations. Moreover, it discusses the multiple variants of liberalism in international relations, liberal philosophers" views, and liberal institutionalism. In addition, subsets of liberal theories in international relations, such as the functionalist theory of integration, the neo functionalist theory of integration, and the democratic peace theory, are also explained. Furthermore, it explains criticisms of liberalism from the perspectives of neoliberalism, realism, and neorealism. This paper has been framed as helping material for the understanding of international relations from the point of view of liberalism.
International Encyclopedia of Political Science, 2011
LIBERALISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS This entry presents an overview of recent trends and developments in liberal international relations theory-both empirical and normative. An effort is made to highlight the link between contemporary liberal scholarship on international relations and the thought of classical liberal figures such as John Locke, Adam Smith, Immanuel Kant, Giuseppe Mazzini, and John Stuart Mill. The first part of the essay introduces key liberal principles and ideas and identifies three different traditions of liberal thought on international relations. Thereafter, we discuss classical and contemporary theories on the relationship between liberal democracy and international peace, followed by an overview of related, recent scholarship on global governance and international cooperation among democracies. The final part of the essay briefly discusses two alternative liberal approaches to the ethics of military intervention and shows, in particular, how liberal theorists, while they all share a fundamental attachment to representative governance and human rights, can fundamentally differ in their support for coercive regime change.
APSA Conference, 2011
One of the most vibrant research programs in international relations (IR) is neoclassical realism. This realist approach to foreign policy argues that the most important factor in shaping state behavior is the structure of the international system, but neoclassical realist also argue that domestic factors act as intervening variables to shape the timing and intensity of a state’s reaction to structural pressures and incentives. Liberal theory provides a means for challenging neoclassical realism. From a liberal perspective, domestic norms and institutions are the most important factors in shaping state behavior. Liberal political institutions and norms tend to act as a restraint on state power in general and foreign policy specifically. Liberal institutions such as separation of powers, federalism, and democratic elections make it more difficult for political leaders to enact policies that require substantial national resources in all policy areas, from major health care reform to large-scale imperialism. In fact, these institutions make it difficult to accomplish any major national policy change. Liberal norms reinforce institutional restraint. Individuals and collectives that have internalized liberal norms will view the use of state power with suspicion and favor political leaders and policies that minimize the use of state power. In many cases, the incentives and pressures of domestic political structure are stronger than the incentives and pressures of the international system and therefore will be more decisive in shaping foreign policy. Drawing on various existing strands of IR scholarship on domestic political structure and state action, this paper develops a liberal approach to the study of foreign policy and demonstrates its potential value by applying it to the foreign policies of rising powers—Great Britain, Germany, Japan, the United States, and the USSR—between the mid 1800s and WWII. The main finding is that illiberal or non-liberal rising powers are much more expansionist than liberal states. These findings may have relevance for the foreign policies of current rising powers like China, India, and Brazil.
Liberalism is a defining feature of modern democracy, illustrated by the prevalence of the term 'liberal democracy' as a way to describe countries with free and fair elections, rule of law and protected civil liberties. However, liberalism – when discussed within the realm of IR theory – has evolved into a distinct entity of its own. Liberalism contains a variety of concepts and arguments about how institutions, behaviours and economic connections contain and mitigate the violent power of states. When compared to realism, it adds more factors into our field of view – especially a consideration of citizens and international organisations. Most notably, liberalism has been the traditional foil of realism in IR theory as it offers a more optimistic world view, grounded in a different reading of history to that found in realist scholarship.
2024
This article delves into the enduring relevance of Liberal International Relations (IR) Theory amidst persistent criticisms regarding power dynamics and its applicability in emerging states. Despite its detractors, Liberal IR Theory offers a nuanced understanding of state behavior, blending social contexts with power dynamics. It recognizes the intricacies of economic interdependence and advocates for a balanced approach in advancing democracy and human rights. While nationalism poses challenges to international institutions, their adaptability endures. Leaders, albeit constrained, retain the capacity to foster peace through visionary leadership and global cooperation. By acknowledging its limitations and fostering open dialogue, Liberal IR Theory continues to evolve, poised to contribute to a just and peaceful global order.
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